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Pressure from Russia on Armenia ahead of elections: economy as tool of influence


Russian pressure on Armenia ahead of elections

Russian pressure on Armenia ahead of elections

From 30 May, Russia will ban imports of tomatoes, cucumbers, peppers, herbs and strawberries from Armenia. Since early spring 2026, Moscow has steadily expanded restrictions on Armenian exports.

The measures first targeted Jermuk mineral water, followed by certain alcoholic drinks. Russia’s Federal Service for Veterinary and Phytosanitary Surveillance later imposed a temporary ban on imports of flowers and ornamental plants from Armenia. The agency also raised concerns about shipments of Armenian fruit, vegetables and some livestock products.

Russian authorities say the restrictions stem from sanitary and phytosanitary concerns. However, many Armenian analysts see political motives behind the measures. Moscow has previously used similar trade restrictions against Georgia and Moldova.

Armenia also recently received a letter from Russia warning that Moscow could terminate an agreement governing supplies of natural gas, petroleum products and rough diamonds.

According to Interfax, the letter states:

“Armenia’s continued efforts to deepen cooperation with the European Union, together with the government’s declared ambition to join the EU, threaten the future of Russian-Armenian trade, economic and investment cooperation. Bilateral agreements form one of the foundations of that relationship.”

Armenia’s Foreign Ministry said it would review the letter and respond if necessary.

Foreign Minister Ararat Mirzoyan said similar disputes had arisen before. He stressed that Yerevan remained committed to resolving them in a “constructive and partnership-based atmosphere” while continuing to diversify the economy and seek new markets.

Russian officials have repeatedly voiced concern over Armenia’s growing ties with Europe in recent months. Some members of Russia’s political establishment have called on Yerevan to clarify whether it intends to remain in the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union or move closer to the European Union.

Armenian officials have repeatedly acknowledged that membership in both blocs is incompatible and say they will make a choice when the time comes. Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has argued that Armenia must first bring its economy and institutions closer to European standards. He described that process as difficult and time-consuming. According to Pashinyan, the Armenian people will make the final decision once the country is ready.

Speaking recently, Pashinyan reiterated that Armenia has no plans to leave the Eurasian Economic Union. He also argued that anyone seeking to pressure Armenia is “digging a grave” for the EAEU itself.

“Today, Armenia matters to the East, the West, the South and the North alike. That is why everyone should come to Armenia with their best offer. The Armenian people will make their own choice. We are no longer a dead end shaped by conflict; we are a crossroads of peace. Those who rely on threats and pressure are making a mistake. The Armenian economy faces no danger. Investments worth billions are on the way. Our strategy remains unchanged. We will continue to work calmly and patiently with our Russian partners and resolve all outstanding issues,” the prime minister said.

Many experts see the recent developments as an attempt by Moscow to increase pressure on Yerevan ahead of Armenia’s parliamentary elections.

The vote will take place on 7 June, and several pro-Russian political forces are taking part. Some analysts believe the Kremlin hopes the pressure will strengthen their electoral prospects. Others argue that such actions are more likely to damage those forces than benefit them.

Political analyst Robert Gevondyan believes the economic pressure is temporary. At the same time, he argues that Armenia’s dependence on the Russian market has made it vulnerable to such measures. He says the best response is to continue diversifying the country’s economic partnerships.



Economic restrictions as a tool of political pressure

“We should remember what happened in 2004–2005. After Mikheil Saakashvili came to power in Georgia, Russian authorities suddenly began claiming that Borjomi contained harmful substances. At the time, Armenian Jermuk was seen as a high-quality alternative. Now the situation has reversed. Today, Armenia’s authorities are taking steps that Moscow dislikes, and suddenly Jermuk has become ‘problematic’.

This is not a new policy for Armenia. I think the situation will last only a few weeks at most. After the parliamentary elections, Moscow will most likely lift the restrictions on Armenian products, either gradually or all at once. For now, Armenian producers simply need to weather this period.

In my view, what is happening is directly linked to the elections. Russia is trying to increase pressure on Armenia in order to support pro-Russian political forces inside the country and give them additional arguments with which to criticise the government. At the same time, Moscow is signalling its dissatisfaction with Yerevan’s current course and attempting to influence the choices Armenian voters make.”

Moscow’s post-election plan

“Why do I say the pressure may last only a few weeks? Because after the elections, continuing to pressure Armenia will no longer make much sense for Moscow. Russia may spend several days waiting for some kind of post-election turmoil. However, I do not think that is likely. Such a scenario would require large-scale public mobilisation, and pro-Russian political forces in Armenia simply do not have those human resources today.

Online campaigns on Facebook, Instagram or TikTok cannot replace a real grassroots movement. Once Moscow realises that the post-election situation has not altered Armenia’s domestic political balance, it will probably move to a ‘Plan B’ — maintaining working relations with Nikol Pashinyan. At that point, the Russian side is likely to take steps aimed at preserving at least the current level of relations with Yerevan.”

Russia also has an interest in Armenian products

“In reality, it is not in Russia’s interest to keep restrictions on Armenian products in place for a long period. Armenian exports do not account for a critical share of the Russian economy. However, these products occupy their own niche and enjoy steady demand. They include mineral water, agricultural goods and alcoholic beverages. Among them is Armenian brandy, which remains popular on the Russian market.

We also need to take Russia’s own market dynamics into account. Even under restrictions, some of these products will continue to reach consumers through various channels because demand remains strong. The Kremlin understands this perfectly well. Russian officials will also recognise that prolonged pressure is unlikely to produce significant political results inside Armenia. That is why I believe these measures will most likely prove temporary.”

New markets and product competitiveness

“It is clear that Armenia currently has no alternative market capable of replacing Russia as a destination for Armenian exports on the same scale. However, the government’s task is to build a more diversified export system and help producers find new markets.

Producers themselves must also improve product quality in order to increase competitiveness and meet the standards required by other markets, particularly in Europe. At the same time, Armenia should look towards Arab countries, the Asia-Pacific region and North America.

Canada, for example, expressed interest in importing Armenian dried fruit. In practice, however, Armenia could not supply the required volumes. Even though logistics issues had been resolved and demand existed, Armenian businesses failed to meet even 10% of the market’s needs.

In other words, potential markets do exist, but entering them requires systematic effort. Producers need to improve both quality and output, while the state must continue developing external economic ties. Over time, this would allow Armenia to feel more secure and avoid excessive dependence on a single export market.

Logistics remain a major constraint on Armenian exports. A significant share of the country’s foreign trade still depends on the route through Upper Lars checkpoint. If Yerevan wants to expand export opportunities, it needs to work towards opening its borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan. That would significantly simplify access to European markets and reduce transport costs for Armenian producers.”


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South Caucasus News

Azerbaijan unveils fully restored Culture Centre in Khankendi


A newly reconstructed Culture Centre has opened in Khankendi, marking another major step in Azerbaijan’s ongoing restoration efforts across the territories liberated from occupation.

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Protester Zurab Menteshashvili Sentenced to Nine Months in Jail in First Criminal Conviction for ‘Repeated Road Blockage’


Zurab Menteshashvili, 61, has been sentenced to nine months in prison after being found guilty of “repeated road blockage,” marking the first known conviction under the charge introduced as part of controversial amendments adopted in October 2025, which criminalized repeated acts of certain protest-related administrative offences.

Tbilisi City Court Judge Nino Galustashvili, who had previously handed down a number of guilty verdicts in other protest- and opposition-related cases, delivered the verdict against Menteshashvili on May 29. The 61-year-old, who has already spent seven months in pre-trial detention, therefore has two months left to serve, meaning he is expected to leave prison in August.

Menteshashvili was first detained on October 24, 2025, under administrative procedures for “blocking the road” during ongoing anti-government protests on Tbilisi’s Rustaveli Avenue in front of parliament. He was sent to seven days in detention. Following his release, he was arrested again on October 31 over a similar act, which led to the criminal qualification of his case.

He was charged under Article 347 of the Criminal Code of Georgia, which provides that repeated violations of the rules governing assemblies and demonstrations, such as “blocking the road” or covering faces during protests, may be punishable by up to one year in prison, while further repetition of the same acts may lead to up to two years in prison. The controversial amendments were adopted by the disputed parliament on October 16.

Since his arrest, Menteshashvili has reportedly been on a hunger strike for unconfirmed period of time.

“I love my homeland, I will do everything for it…I didn’t know if this [blocking the road] is a crime…Here I stand, I can do no other, arrest me for the fourth time if you want,” Menteshashvili told the court in his concluding remarks, according to RFE/RL’s Georgian Service.

The conviction comes amid ongoing anti-government protests that began on November 28, 2024, when Georgian Dream announced the suspension of the EU integration process. As protest-related legislation has gradually been tightened, hundreds of citizens have been fined and then detained for days on charges of “blocking the road,” as Rustaveli Avenue, the traditional protest site in front of parliament, had been blocked to traffic every night for nearly a year. The protest-related restrictions were extended to pedestrian areas in December 2025, when “obstructing the free movement of people” on sidewalks was introduced as as an administrative offense. Dozens have been sent to days in detention under the charge, in what critics say amounts to punishing citizens for merely protesting on sidewalks.

Another protester facing similar “repeated” criminal charges is Shalva Esartia, an anti-government activist from the western Georgian town of Zugdidi. Esartia is in pretrial detention and faces up to one year in prison on charges of “repeatedly disobeying a police order.”

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Opinion: ‘Police violence in Georgia’s Gori was not abuse of power, but punitive operation’


Opinion on police violence in Gori

Мнение о полицейском насилии в Гори

Speaking about the violence inflicted on Papuna Lotsulashvili by police officers in Gori, Tamar Oniani, chair of the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association, said prosecutors should classify the crime under specific provisions dealing with torture, inhuman treatment or degrading treatment.

According to Tamar Oniani, the incident that took place in Gori two days ago and came to public attention after video footage emerged does not constitute abuse of authority, as the Prosecutor’s Office of Georgia has classified it and under which six police officers have been charged. In her view, the incident amounted, among other things, to a punitive operation.

According to Georgian prosecutors, authorities have arrested six people in Gori in connection with a case involving violence against a civilian by police officers. The case drew public attention after Kartlis Ambebi published a video on 27 May 2026 that allegedly shows several police officers brutally beating a man during his detention.

Opinion on police violence in Gori: Tamar Oniani of the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association

Tamar Oniani said: “This was a kind of punitive operation carried out with force and particular cruelty against a defenceless person. He lay motionless on the ground while officers beat him. The video captures his desperate voice, which likely echoed all the way to nearby buildings. That is probably why journalists were able to record the violence.

That footage saved this man from further abuse. Unfortunately, we know of many cases in which people reported police violence, but the absence of video evidence left the outcome of those cases unclear. For a long time, investigators have simply said that ‘the investigation is ongoing’ without producing any concrete results.

Legally, the prohibition on the use of force by law enforcement officers is not absolute. In certain circumstances, police officers may use force, but they must have legitimate grounds for doing so. What we saw in Gori was not a lawful use of force but a punitive operation. That is why we believe prosecutors should classify this crime under the specific provisions of the Criminal Code dealing with torture, inhuman treatment or degrading treatment.”

“It is also important for the victim that the state recognises what happened to him for what it was, rather than treating it as a simple ‘abuse of authority’. If investigators do not pursue the case under these specific provisions, they will effectively limit the scope of the investigation. They also will not assess the evidence according to the standards that should apply to crimes of this nature.

It is noteworthy that prosecutors have charged the victim, Papuna Lotsulashvili, with a criminal offence (‘resisting, threatening or using violence against a person maintaining public order or another public official’ — JAMnews). However, nothing in the video footage that has circulated publicly suggests that the force used against Lotsulashvili was proportionate, even if he had been resisting arrest.”

Opinion on police violence in Gori


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Part of Abkhazia’s opposition urges Armenians to vote against Nikol Pashinyan in parliamentary elections – JAMnews


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South Caucasus News

Part of Abkhazia’s opposition urges Armenians to vote against Nikol Pashinyan in parliamentary elections


Abkhaz opposition weighs in on Armenia’s elections

Parliamentary elections will take place in Armenia on 7 June 2026. Ahead of the vote, part of Abkhazia’s opposition has urged Armenians to vote against the ruling Civil Contract party of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

Other opposition figures in Abkhazia reacted negatively to the appeal, arguing that it amounts to interference in Armenia’s internal affairs.

Several opposition organisations informally led by Adgur Ardzinba appealed to Alik Minasyan, asking him to encourage Armenian citizens to make what they described as the “right choice”. In other words, they urged voters to support political forces that regard alliance and friendship with Russia as fundamental principles.

“In the current geopolitical reality, strengthening relations between Armenia and Russia, our strategic partner and ally, serves as a guarantee of stability, security in the South Caucasus and Armenia’s future prosperity.

We are convinced that the voice of Abkhazia’s Armenian community will be heard by Armenia’s citizens, who will choose in favour of Armenian-Russian friendship,” the organisations said in a joint statement.

Alik Minasyan has not yet responded publicly to the appeal. Other Abkhaz opposition figures, however, reacted strongly against it. They argued that if Abkhazians dislike attempts by outsiders to influence elections in their republic, they should not try to influence elections elsewhere.

“We believe that focusing on the internal problems of our own society would be more logical and more useful,” said Aidgylara, which is led by another informal opposition leader, Kan Kvarchia.

Another opposition organisation, Apsuaa Rymch, argued that local Armenians are, first and foremost, citizens of Abkhazia. The group said that “instrumentalising an ethnic community and attempting to draw it into electoral processes abroad is a short-sighted step that does not contribute to civic harmony but instead imports foreign political crises into our society”.

Akhra Bzhania, the leader of the civic organisation Akhyatsa, also expressed surprise at the appeal and drew a comparison with Abkhazia itself.

“Imagine that an Abkhaz community existed in Armenia, and Armenian political and civic organisations suddenly issued a joint appeal urging it to support a particular candidate in elections in Abkhazia. I wonder whether we would welcome such advice,” he said.


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Abkhaz opposition weighs in on Armenia’s elections