Day: May 2, 2026

Azerbaijan and the European Parliament

A decision adopted by the Milli Majlis on May 1 provides for the suspension of all channels of cooperation with the European Parliament, the termination of participation in the EU-Azerbaijan Parliamentary Cooperation Committee, and the initiation of procedures to withdraw from Euronest.

The Azerbaijani parliament made this decision immediately after the adoption of the European Parliament’s resolution titled “Supporting democratic resilience in Armenia” on April 30, 2026.

Baku stated that it sees an “unfounded and biased” approach in this document, particularly in the provisions concerning the return of Karabakh Armenians and issues related to detained Armenians.

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Details of the decision

According to the Milli Majlis, the May 1 document предусматривает three main steps:

• the suspension of cooperation with the European Parliament “in all areas,”
• the termination of participation in the EU-Azerbaijan Parliamentary Cooperation Committee,
• the initiation of procedures to suspend membership in the Euronest Parliamentary Assembly, with the Azerbaijani delegation refraining from participating in Euronest activities during this process.

The decision presents this move not as a one-time emotional reaction, but as a continuation of a long-term policy line.

The document states that the Milli Majlis had already suspended relations with the European Parliament in 2015 due to its stance, and later restored them based on “appeals and promises.”

An analytical briefing by the European Parliament itself from 2020 also notes that formal interparliamentary relations were resumed in 2016 after a prolonged pause. This indicates that the roots of the current crisis are not new.

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What do the controversial clauses of the resolution say?

Although the European Parliament’s April 30 resolution is presented as a document supporting Armenia’s democratic resilience, clauses 12 and 13 directly address Azerbaijan.

Clause 12 refers to the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh and their right to a “safe, unimpeded and dignified return,” while clause 13 raises the issue of “unjust detention” by Azerbaijan and calls for the “immediate and unconditional release” of individuals, referring to them as “prisoners.”

At the same time, clause 10 of the resolution welcomes the normalization between Azerbaijan and Armenia and the progress achieved toward a peace agreement.

In its response to the resolution, Azerbaijan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that calls for the return of Karabakh Armenians are “completely unfounded,” arguing that they voluntarily left the region despite a reintegration plan presented by Baku in 2023.

The demands concerning individuals described as “prisoners” are deemed “legally unacceptable,” while allegations regarding the destruction of cultural and religious heritage are rejected.

The Azerbaijani side also emphasizes that international silence regarding the damage inflicted on Azerbaijan’s heritage during the period of occupation is being overlooked. The Foreign Ministry reported that, on the same day, it summoned the EU ambassador to Baku and delivered a note of protest.

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The joint press statement highlighted Azerbaijan’s role as a reliable partner in diversifying Europe’s energy supplies.

Reactions from Azerbaijani officials and experts

Speaker of the Milli Majlis, Sahiba Gafarova, stated during the parliamentary session that the past decade has shown that the European Parliament has no intention of abandoning what she described as its biased approach toward Azerbaijan.

The text of the adopted decision notes that, following the 44-day war, the European Parliament has adopted “more than 10” resolutions against Azerbaijan, and that this line continued in the lead-up to COP29. The document was read out by Vice-Speaker Ziyafat Asgarov.

Some political commentators in Baku interpret the situation more as a “clash of narratives.”

Speaking to Trend, analyst Azer Garayev said that the main disagreements are concentrated around three issues: return to Karabakh, the legal status of detained Armenians, and heritage-related questions.

In his view, such documents may not immediately sever all relations, but they do create a “cold political distance.” He believes that economic and technical cooperation may continue, but political dialogue is likely to enter a more cautious and less trusting phase.

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What was the level of relations before the decision?

The available documents suggest that the concept of relations should be divided into two parts.

First, the European Parliament track itself. This channel existed institutionally: the European Parliament’s delegation for the South Caucasus oversees the EU-Azerbaijan Parliamentary Cooperation Committee. According to its rules, the committee is normally expected to meet once a year and discuss all aspects of EU relations.

Euronest, in turn, is a format that brings together the European Parliament and the parliaments of the Eastern Partnership countries, with each country represented by 10 members. This means that the parliamentary channel formally remained in place, but it was fragile, intermittent, and under high political tension.

Second, the broader EU-Azerbaijan relationship. Here, the picture is quite different. The legal basis of relations is the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement in force since 1999, while negotiations on a new framework agreement have been ongoing since 2017.

On January 29 this year, the EU and Azerbaijan announced strengthened cooperation in connectivity, trade, energy, and transport. On March 11, Antonio Costa and Ilham Aliyev reaffirmed their commitment to deepening political dialogue and practical cooperation in security, energy, and transport.

In other words, strained relations with the European Parliament did not mean a complete freeze in relations with the EU as a whole.

Experts also emphasize this distinction. Tengiz Pkhaladze, writing for the European Centre for International Political Economy (ECIPE), describes the EU’s policy in the South Caucasus as a combination of “strategic opportunity and persistent friction.” In this view, Azerbaijan is an important energy partner for the EU, but relations remain tense on issues of governance and rights.

Murad Nasibov, meanwhile, argues that in recent years EU-Azerbaijan relations have shifted “from normative divergence to strategic convergence.” In other words, while the European Parliament tends to speak in the language of values and rights, Brussels and Baku have expanded pragmatic cooperation at the executive level.

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Relations with PACE

Although the decision concerning the European Parliament is a separate legal and political step, tensions between Baku and European parliamentary institutions had been evident earlier as well.

In January 2024, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) did not ratify the credentials of the Azerbaijani delegation. PACE justified this by citing concerns over Azerbaijan’s commitments to the Council of Europe, including issues related to human rights, the electoral process, judicial independence, and cooperation with the Assembly.

The Azerbaijani side, in turn, described that decision as biased and politically motivated, and subsequently suspended its participation in PACE.

While this episode is not the direct legal cause of the 2026 decision to suspend relations with the European Parliament, it illustrates the backdrop of a long-term crisis in Azerbaijan’s parliamentary diplomacy with European platforms.

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Calls in South Ossetia for president’s resignation

South Ossetia’s opposition and much of the public are accusing President Alan Gagloev of embezzling billions and demanding his early resignation.

Vladimir Kelekhsaev, leader of the Unity of the People party and a former lawmaker, says Gagloev and his associates misused 1.5 billion rubles (about $20 million) in preferential loans provided by Russia.

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Gagloev has led South Ossetia for four years, and criticism of his leadership is growing louder.

Russia’s leadership has allocated a further tranche of 4 billion roubles (about $54 million) to South Ossetia, but the current authorities led by Alan Gagloev have used the funds to build only three facilities: a canning plant, a stone-processing workshop, and a timber enterprise, according to opposition figure Kelekhsaev.

“We called on Gagloev and his government not to squander the money, but to allocate it to the rural population living in declining villages, and to residents of Tskhinvali – 10, 20, 50 million roubles ($130,000, $200,000, $600,000) – so that our people could earn a living through small business and open small-scale production,” Kelekhsaev said.

He also estimated that no more than a little over half of the funds could have been spent on these three projects, adding that the whereabouts of the remaining money are unknown.

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Activists of the socio-political movement Civil Platform, which had previously campaigned for Alan Gagloev during his time in opposition, have also sharply criticised the authorities.

The group said its current chairman, Sarmat Pliev, submitted a written request to the Ministry of Culture asking to use a hall in the republican library for a roundtable discussion, but Culture Minister Grigory Mamiev refused, citing instructions “from above.”

“A government that is afraid of its own citizens, a government that prefers to suppress rather than address acute social problems – does it have the right to call itself a government?” the activists said.

“We are outraged by ill-considered decisions by the authorities that further aggravate an already tense socio-political situation and provoke a social explosion that will not reflect well on the republic or its international standing,” they added.

The roundtable was ultimately held at another venue, where the accusations and demands against Gagloev were presented.

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At the event, Vladimir Kelekhsaev also criticised Inara Gabaraeva, deputy chair of the Civil Platform and a well-known public figure, saying she had once personally campaigned for Alan Gagloev and was, to some extent, responsible for his rise to power and the current crisis.

Kelekhsaev said South Ossetian voters should abandon “emotion-driven protest voting” and elect a more capable candidate in future elections.

“Let us stop making these mistakes and in a year elect a truly genuine leader of the people, not random individuals. A person who will live with the concerns of the people, rather than fill their pockets while serving as president or prime minister,” he said.

Atsamaz Bibilov, a member of parliament and leader of the opposition United Ossetia party, said the current authorities had imposed restrictions on his party’s lawmakers, banning video broadcasts and any recording of parliamentary sessions. He described the move as limiting public access to information.

Participants also recalled that, while in opposition, Gagloev and his Nykhas party disrupted parliamentary procedures, obstructed its work and conducted live social media broadcasts, but have since introduced strict censorship and pursued political opponents after coming to power.

Those gathered said the authorities under Gagloev had effectively isolated themselves from the public.

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Dzambolat Tadtaev had already drawn criticism during his time as deputy prime minister and finance minister.

Inara Gabaraeva summarised the consensus at the end of the discussion, calling for President Alan Gagloev to resign immediately.

“The way out of the crisis is the immediate early resignation of President Gagloev. People do not see their future in South Ossetia. We cannot allow the destruction of our people,” she said.

“The years of Alan Gagloev’s presidency are a failure. He has taken no steps for the benefit of the people. In four years, nothing has been done. What can he achieve in one more year? The authorities and the government live in a different universe; they have brought South Ossetia to a standstill,” she added.

Gabaraeva also suggested that the authorities could stage provocations to disrupt the next presidential election, scheduled for 2027.

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