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Protester Says Court Dismissed Sidewalk Case Under New Rally Laws


Giorgi Tsulaia, a protester who faced an administrative charge of “obstructing pedestrian traffic” for rallying on a sidewalk, said Tbilisi City Court Judge Dacit Makaradze dismissed his case – the first decision under newly tightened protest rules on pedestrian zones, as dozens of similar cases await rulings.

“They called me from the Tbilisi City Court. Judge Davit Makaridze deliberated and terminated the ‘sidewalk’ case against me,” Tsulaia wrote in a January 8 Facebook post, adding, “All attempts to neutralize and intimidate those fighting for Georgia’s European and better future will fail.”

Tsulaia faced up to 15 days in detention under December legislative amendments that further tightened protest rules by mandating administrative detention for those who obstruct not only traffic but also the “movement of people.”

Dozens of other protesters were charged in similar cases in December, but their court hearings, initially scheduled for December, were postponed to January as the court has yet to issue first rulings in these cases. Tsulaia is the first to report the dismissal of the charges.

Georgia’s Public Defender Levan Ioseliani said on December 24 that his office plans to challenge the amendments adopted by the Georgian Dream parliament throughout 2025 to crack down on protests in the Constitutional Court, citing, among others, proportionality concerns.

Ioseliani criticized the introduction of mandatory detention for road blockages, arguing that it strips judges of alternative administrative sanctions and effectively mandates imprisonment. He warned that measures initially aimed at suppressing specific protests, such as the daily rallies on Tbilisi’s Rustaveli Avenue, risk being broadly applied to other groups and forms of assembly.

For nearly a year, protesters had daily blocked Tbilisi’s Rustaveli Avenue in front of parliament as a symbolic act of resistance against what they call the “Russian regime.” In October, Georgian Dream further tightened already strict anti-protest laws, making acts such as blocking roads and covering faces punishable by immediate detention rather than fines, with repeat acts subject to criminal liability carrying sentences of up to one year in prison.

In the initial weeks of enforcing the new laws since October, over a hundred people were arrested on administrative charges, while one was detained in November and charged criminally for a “repeated act.”

Starting in early November, police physically pushed protesters onto the sidewalks to prevent road blockages, prompting demonstrators to switch to evening downtown marches as an alternative form of protest. Detentions, however, continued during these marches.

The December amendments, in addition to introducing detention for obstructing the movement of people, also imposed a mandatory requirement to notify police in advance of planned assemblies.

Failure to notify police, comply with such instructions, or clear roads or sidewalks upon police order may result in administrative detention of up to 15 to 20 days, while repeat offenses may carry criminal liability punishable by up to one year in prison.

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New president, renovated old airport, and witch-hunt: three key events in Abkhazia in 2025


What happened in Abkhazia in 2025

What happened in Abkhazia in 2025

Looking back, slightly belatedly, at the past year.

We’ve picked three main socio-political events that took place in Abkhazia in 2025.

Presidential elections

Early resignation of the president and, accordingly, snap elections have already become something of a national tradition in Abkhazia. Three consecutive presidents—Alexander Ankvab (2014), Raul Khadzhimba (2020), and Aslan Bzhania (2024)—left office this way.

Immediately after stepping down, Bzhania announced he would run in the early 2025 elections. But the idea found no support, not even among his closest allies. They believed the former president had too much political baggage and instead backed another team member, Vice President Badra Gunba.

And here, the parallels with the past end.

While previous early elections had brought opposition candidates to power, in March 2025 it was Badra Gunba who won. In other words, the leadership in Abkhazia effectively stayed the same; only the person at the top changed.

Local experts point to the “Russian factor” as an explanation.

In previous years, Moscow did not actively support any specific candidate, understanding that whoever became president would remain loyal to Russia. But in the 2025 elections, the Kremlin made Gunba its favorite, giving him unprecedented support. His main rival, opposition figure Adgur Ardzinba, faced a media smear campaign from Russian outlets, which accused him of pro-Turkish leanings.

In the second round, Gunba secured 53% of the vote and became president.

Hunt for ‘anti-Russian forces’

The idea that Abkhazia needed an internal enemy in the form of so-called “anti-Russian forces” was first introduced by former president Aslan Bzhania.

He came up with this “bogeyman” in the third year of his presidency, after realizing his approval ratings were falling rapidly.

At first, the myth of “anti-Russian forces” was used to push through laws that benefited Russia but were highly unpopular in Abkhaz society.

Then things escalated: Bzhania began actively convincing the Kremlin that he—and only he—was Russia’s stronghold in Abkhazia, while all his opponents were under Western and Turkish influence.

Apparently, he was persuasive enough, because even after his resignation, the Kremlin continued the “witch-hunt.” As a result, two Abkhaz opposition figures were stripped of Russian citizenship, and three journalists were added to Russia’s registry of foreign agents.

The story (at least for now) was closed by Russia’s new Abkhazia overseer, Sergey Kiriyenko, who stated that there are no anti-Russian forces in Abkhazia. Later, President Badra Gunba repeated the same.

Reopening of Sukhum airport

The most significant economic event of 2025 was the reopening of Sukhum airport after a 32-year hiatus.

The airport had been inactive since the end of the 1992–93 Georgian-Abkhaz war. At that time, Georgia’s government requested that the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO) revoke its license, effectively banning international flights.

Despite this, Abkhazia and Russia reached an agreement to restore the airport, and on May 1, 2025, the first scheduled flight from Moscow landed in Sukhum.

Because of the missing ICAO license, flights are limited to Russia. Even then, Russia avoids overtly breaking international rules, so only small Russian airlines specializing in domestic flights—unaffected by international sanctions—operate to Sukhum.

Direct flights to Russia are expected to bring more tourists to Abkhazia and boost the republic’s budget. For now, however, actual revenues remain well below the projections.


Toponyms, terminology, views and opinions expressed by the author are theirs alone and do not necessarily reflect the views and opinions of JAMnews or any employees thereof. JAMnews reserves the right to delete comments it considers to be offensive, inflammatory, threatening or otherwise unacceptable.

What happened in Abkhazia in 2025


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South Caucasus News

Safavid-era coins unearthed in Aghsu reveal traces of empire’s ancient trade


A remarkable collection of 18 coins uncovered during archaeological excavations last year at the Shikhmazid monument site in Azerbaijan’s Aghsu district has opened a new window into the region’s Safavid-era past, Azernews reports citing Azertag.

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Armenia and Azerbaijan exchange list of potential trade goods, Pashinyan says – OC Media


Armenia and Azerbaijan exchange list of potential trade goods, Pashinyan says  OC Media

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South Caucasus News

Creating a Bibliography with Easybib – EasyBib – SCSU Hilton C. Buley …


You can use EasyBib to create bibliographies in APA, MLA, and Chicago/Turabian citation styles. EasyBib will also suggest more scholarly references for your paper.

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Lillian Phillips (@lilyspersonal) | TikTok


Lillian Phillips (@lilyspersonal) on TikTok | 387 Followers. Lillian Phillips.Watch the latest video from Lillian Phillips (@lilyspersonal).

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Pashinyan on Catholicos: ‘Ex-president Serzh Sargsyan also didn’t want to step down, but was forced to’ – JAMnews


Pashinyan on Catholicos: ‘Ex-president Serzh Sargsyan also didn’t want to step down, but was forced to’  JAMnews

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How ING’s inflation outlook for Azerbaijan compares with global peers


Compared to ING’s previous outlook, inflation expectations for 2026 have been revised downward by 0.4 percentage points, while the forecast for 2027 remains unchanged. ING estimates that average annual inflation in Azerbaijan stood at 5.6 per cent in 2025. According to the bank’s quarterly projections, inflation in Azerbaijan is expected to average…

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Pashinyan on Catholicos: ‘Ex-president Serzh Sargsyan also didn’t want to step down, but was forced to’


Pashinyan: "Sargsyan didn’t want to step down"

Pashinyan: “Sargsyan didn’t want to step down”

Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has said that he and ten bishops who sit on the Church Reform Council intend to do everything possible to ensure that the Catholicos of All Armenians steps down from the throne. He made the remarks at his regular weekly briefing on Thursday, held after a government meeting.

“[Former Armenian president] Serzh Sargsyan did not plan to leave either, but he had to. The same applies to Ktrich Nersisyan [the Catholicos’s secular name]. He will have to go,” Mr Pashinyan said.

By referring to the former president’s departure, Mr Pashinyan pointed to Armenia’s 2018 “Velvet Revolution”. At the time, opposition politician Nikol Pashinyan and his team mobilised a critical mass of citizens and brought them onto the streets. As a result, Serzh Sargsyan resigned, and Mr Pashinyan took office as prime minister. Observers commonly describe the “Velvet Revolution”, which brought him to power, as peaceful.

The prime minister has now said that the process of removing the Patriarch from office will take place “without upheaval”. He added that the process would reflect “Christian tolerance and love”.

The Church Reform Council has issued a statement outlining its next steps. Mr Pashinyan described the document as a “roadmap”. Its stated goal is to remove Garegin II from the throne and to elect a new Catholicos of All Armenians.

Opposition figures accuse the prime minister of interfering in the internal affairs of the Church and, as a result, of violating the country’s laws. Mr Pashinyan has rejected the accusations. He has responded by quoting the Psalms and by saying that he is not only the prime minister, but also a follower of the Armenian Apostolic Church.

Armenia’s constitution regulates relations between the state and religious organisations. It enshrines the separation of religious bodies from the state and obliges the authorities to guarantee freedom of religious activity.

All the latest developments in the standoff between the authorities and the Church.



Pashinyan is violating the Constitution

The parliamentary opposition has repeatedly pointed out that Armenia’s constitution enshrines the separation of church and state. On this basis, opposition figures argue that Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan violated the country’s basic law when he signed a statement on church reform.

“The first part of Article 6 of the constitution states that state bodies and officials may carry out only those actions for which the constitution grants them authority. By acting without such authority, Pashinyan has effectively suspended Article 6. That amounts to an overthrow of the constitutional order. His actions may qualify as a particularly serious crime carrying criminal liability. Under this provision, the punishment ranges from 10 to 15 years in prison,” MP Artsvik Minasyan said.

The opposition politician insists that the prime minister has abused his official powers and interfered with the lawful activities of a religious organisation.

According to Artsvik Minasyan, a lawyer and a member of the Armenia parliamentary faction, Pashinyan has breached several articles of the Criminal Code.

“What Nikol Pashinyan has done does not amount only to an abuse of power. His actions also have a specific legal definition under several articles of the Criminal Code, in particular Articles 209 and 441,” he said.

Article 209 of Armenia’s Criminal Code sets out penalties for the use of official powers to obstruct a person’s right to freedom of conscience or religion. The provision also covers interference with the lawful activities of a religious organisation or the performance of a religious rite.

The penalties include a fine, community service, or a ban on holding certain positions. Courts may also impose restrictions on liberty for up to two years, short-term detention of up to two months, or a prison sentence of up to two years.

Article 441 addresses abuse of office that causes “substantial harm” to the rights, freedoms, or lawful interests of an individual or organisation, or to the lawful interests of society or the state.

Under this article, the court may impose restrictions on liberty for between one and three years. It may also order short-term imprisonment of between one and two months or a prison sentence of between one and four years. If a group of officials commits the offence by prior agreement, the Criminal Code предусматривает imprisonment for a term of four to eight years.

Pashinyan: ‘Any act that entails criminal liability will be assessed

During the briefing, Pashinyan responded to opposition claims that he should face criminal liability:

“The Republic of Armenia is an institutional state. Rest assured, if my actions or those of anyone else contain elements that fall under criminal liability or the Criminal Code, they will certainly be assessed.”

Addressing accusations of interfering in church affairs, he said:

“The prime minister must address issues of public significance for the country. I link the office of the prime minister with the role of a citizen and a church follower. I become a bridge to the New Testament, to the institution of prayer.”

Journalists reminded Pashinyan that he had previously said he wanted to renew the church as a follower, but signed the Reform Council’s statement in his capacity as prime minister.

“For what purpose is this hypocrisy? I could have signed as ‘Nikol Pashinyan, citizen of the Republic of Armenia.’ In that case, today you would have asked: ‘Citizen Nikol Pashinyan, what were you doing in the prime minister’s residence, why didn’t you go home to Ijevan to organise this meeting?’ I don’t see a problem here. Yes, I act as a follower of the Armenian Apostolic Church, but also as the prime minister of Armenia,” he stated.

Responding to accusations of undermining the constitutional order, he quoted a psalm: “They sought lawlessness, and they failed in seeking investigation.”

“Let them continue searching and investigating. They will achieve nothing but fatigue,” the prime minister added.

For more than six months, Pashinyan has periodically raised the issue of removing the Catholicos from his position. He first claimed that Karekin II could not lead the church because he broke his vow of celibacy and has a daughter. He later added a further accusation, alleging links between the Patriarch and foreign intelligence services.

The prime minister made a similar allegation against Karekin II’s brother. Archbishop Ezras Nersisyan serves as the head of the Russian and New Nakhichevan diocese. In December 2025, the pro-government website civic.am published a copy of a document suggesting that the Patriarch’s brother had collaborated with the USSR State Security Committee under the agent codename “Karo.”

The Church Reform Council held its first meeting.

The day before, the Armenian Prime Minister announced on his Facebook page that the Church Reform Council of the Armenian Apostolic Church had held its first meeting. The council, established on 4 January, included the prime minister and ten bishops. Another clergyman, Archimandrite Gusan Alchanyan, locum tenens of the Armenian Diocese in Switzerland, expressed his wish to join.

During the first meeting, the council reportedly discussed:

  • main directions of the reform process, the organizational steps, and the scale of the upcoming work,
  • actions aimed at implementing the ‘roadmap’ without disruption.


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Россия вновь ударила «Орешником» по Украине