In 2018, the ruling Georgian Dream party endorsed Salome Zurabishvili – an independent candidate – in the election that made her Georgia’s fifth president. Years later, however, Zurabishvili has emerged as one of the leading figures opposing Georgian Dream’s increasingly authoritarian and anti-Western course. Even after leaving the presidential palace following the disputed parliamentary and, subsequently, presidential votes last December, she has continued to play a prominent role as a voice of the Georgian opposition, especially in the West.
At home, she has sought to rally a united democratic front capable of steering the country back toward the European Union, a cause made difficult not only by the ongoing crackdown on the opposition but also by the deep political divisions that have long haunted Georgia’s political life.
Civil.ge’s Konstantin Hadzi-Vukovic sat down with Zurabishvili to discuss the anniversary of the non-stop protests against Georgian Dream, the country’s EU integration prospects, her personal struggles, and the broader battles of the ongoing Georgian resistance.
Konstantin Hadži-Vuković, Civil.ge | One year since the protests erupted, the situation in Georgia appears increasingly repressive – from the prosecutions of political opponents to attempts to ban major opposition parties and controversial education reforms. Is the country moving toward a dictatorship?
Salome Zurabishvili: It’s not a question of dictatorship – we are already under an authoritarian regime that has adopted a number of repressive laws. I would even call it hysterical repression. Another aspect is that this is a dictatorship under Russia’s inspiration and control, so it’s not a dictatorship per se, and this makes things even more complicated.
On the other hand, the regime is turning to this hysterical repression because it has been unable to restrict civil society. There have been laws, repression, and decisions targeting various parts of civil society, but they haven’t had the same effect here as they did in Russia. The process has been more rapid here, yet the results are not there, because civil society is still resisting.
What we are seeing in the protests is only the tip of the iceberg. In a way, Georgian Dream is expanding the range of people opposing them through the very measures they are taking. For example, the decision on education reform reaches far beyond those who are directly involved in the protest movement. It concerns everyone. When you prevent universities from taking part in the Bologna Process, when you create obstacles to a broad participation in Erasmus programs, you are reaching a large part of your population and making them very angry, because a large part of the population wants that connection with Europe.
The other element that is working is that people do not see what the alternative would be. That is the real weakness today, and that’s what we are working on together with the opposition movement as a whole.
Salome Zurabishvili
Also, another part of the education reform, which leaves it up to authorities to decide which universities and faculties should remain in Tbilisi or be moved to another town, is yet another mechanism of repression and control, directed at the part of the population that is the most outspoken, the freest. But it doesn’t work. It only increases public discontent. One of the limits of this discontent is that people do not want to see a return to the previous regime, and this is something Georgian Dream has been overusing, saying, “If it’s not us, it will be back to them.” But that doesn’t work that much.
The other element that is working is that people do not see what the alternative would be. That is the real weakness today, and that’s what we are working on together with the opposition movement as a whole. We are still unable to present the Georgian people with what would be a stable, democratic alternative to the regime they no longer want.
Konstantin Hadži-Vuković | Many in Georgia are dissatisfied with the opposition. Young activists say they do not, of course, support the ban of the opposition, but they also do not know who to vote for. How do you describe the current state of the opposition? You also mentioned they need somebody to unite them. Do you see yourself as a unifier of the opposition?
Salome Zurabishvili: That’s what I’m trying to do, but it’s not to unite the opposition. As you said, the opposition parties are losing ground: first, their leaders are in jail, and now they are also being banned, meaning most of them will not be able to participate in the elections.
In a way, this is forcing us to face the need to restructure the opposition movement as a whole, by taking into account the civil society, the new small parties emerging from and around the protest movement. This does not mean that the banned opposition parties won’t have a voice, but they will no longer be the only ones. These are the different components from which a united front must emerge if we want to win the next election, whenever that may be, or referendum, or whatever the authorities throw at us.
Konstantin Hadži-Vuković | Would that also mean that the United National Movement will be included?
Salome Zurabishvili: That would mean that anyone who wants and agrees to join this large front can do so, without carrying the burden of their political parties, but individually. The next stage, if we’re able to consolidate and to win the first elections, would be new parliamentary elections within a year to a year and a half, something we have already outlined in the Georgian Charter – because unless you have completely different electoral environment, you cannot have a free competition among political parties, which any country needs in order to have a new platform of political parties.
Konstantin Hadži-Vuković | The European Commission recently described Georgia as “a candidate country in name only.” Is it still possible for Georgia to pursue its EU ambitions under this current government?
Salome Zurabishvili: No. No. No. And this is not the intention of this government, something that is very clear from all their rhetoric, measures, and decisions. Especially when looking at a parallel chronology with the European meetings and decisions: every time there is an important meeting where Georgia is going to be on the agenda, measures are taken here in the days leading up to it that only further increase the anti-European push and create more problems in this regard. This very clearly shows that the decision has already been made, and that they [Georgian Dream] are determined to go their own way.
The only way to stop this is through elections and a change of government, or it could also fall apart on its own, which is something we cannot control. There are also signs of this – internal weakness, infighting, but it is a developing process, the timeline of which we can not predict.
There have been laws, repression, and decisions targeting various parts of civil society, but they haven’t had the same effect here as they did in Russia.
Salome Zurabishvili
On the other hand, the EU door will remain open, and once we have a new government in place, we know how to get back on track to European integration. I’m sure that the reception there will be positive. The Georgian Charter, signed by all opposition parties, makes it very clear what the next parliament’s initial decisions should be to put Georgia back on the right track.
Konstantin Hadži-Vuković | Georgia was on the European path. This is a puzzle that many fail to understand: how was it possible for the Georgian Dream, once a pro-European party, to transform into what it is now?
Salome Zurabishvili: I think that at a certain point, it was the pressure from Russia that increased. This was linked to many different things. It was linked to the fact that the military aggression on Ukraine did not deliver the rapid results Russia expected, not in three days, not in three years. Instead, suddenly, the European path for both Ukraine and Georgia became very concrete and possible. This apparently was not acceptable to Russia, and it is what triggered their heightened reaction. That translated into increased pressure on whoever they could exert that pressure on.
Konstantin Hadži-Vuković | And a personal question: you were born and raised in France, had a diplomatic career, and then entered Georgian politics. Have you ever thought it was a mistake to leave France for Georgia?
Salome Zurabishvili: Never. I was raised with that view early on, when no one thought that Georgia would ever be independent, that our duty was to support the country when that moment came. This has been the clear line in my life, and it is not today that I will change my life’s main objective, which was also to bring Georgia closer to Europe, something that has guided Georgian history for centuries. My role today remains the same. It can be difficult at times, but also very satisfying, because you feel that you are necessary for something.
It is a choice I have never questioned.
Konstantin Hadzi-Vukovic is a journalist based in Berlin, Germany. He is currently a Marion-Dönhoff-Fellow at Civil.ge.
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