Google has announced a major update to its Chrome web browser designed to enhance the online shopping experience for U.S. consumers, tapping into the growing demand for AI-powered tools, Azernews reports, citing foreign media.
Day: July 29, 2025
Protesters detained during pro-EU demonstrations in Georgia reported receiving promises of pardon in exchange for apologies, as the Georgian Dream government continues to face local and international pressure over the release of dozens whose cases are widely believed to be politically motivated.
The reports come as the announcements of at least two verdicts in other protest-related cases have been delayed, with judges asking for more time to consider the circumstances. Several protesters have been sentenced to months and years in jail, and dozens more await verdicts as polls suggest overwhelming popular support for their release.
“As time goes by, more and more often there comes information, and a desire, that if I apologize, they will release me,” Andro Chichinadze, a prominent actor and one of the detainees in a case of eleven protesters arrested on group violence charges in connection with pro-EU protests, told the court on July 29, according to the Netgazeti live blog from the hearing. “They should offer this pardon to those police officers who were running around on Rustaveli [Avenue]. I don’t need a pardon. The charges are trumped up.”
Chichinadze did not specify who made the offer, but said the same goes for other detained protesters who also wanted to speak up. Other protesters charged in the same case and present in the courtroom – including Onise Tskhadadze, Jano Archaia, Giorgi Terishvili, Irakli Kerashvili, and Luka Jabua – then echoed the actor’s determination not to seek a pardon, presumably to be granted by Georgian Dream-elected president Mikheil Kavelashvili.
Earlier, Kavelashvili openly offered to pardon opposition leaders, currently in jail over boycotting the Tsulukiani Commission, a controversial investigative body in the Georgian Dream’s one-party parliament, given that politicians would pledge to take part in local elections slated for October 4.
Eight persons, including six opposition party leaders – Nika Gvaramia, Nika Melia, Giorgi Vashadze, Mamuka Khazaradze, Badri Japaradze, and Zurab Japaridze – remain behind bars as the opposition is split over the participation in the municipal vote, with some vowing to boycott while others – including Lelo/Strong Georgia, led by Mamuka Khazaradze and Badri Japaridze- are determined to run. None of the detained leaders accepted Kavelashvili’s offer, however.
The offers come as the issue of jailed protesters and political leaders, as well as journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli, continues to draw pressure and discontent towards the ruling Georgian Dream party. European officials and diplomats have repeatedly expressed concerns about what they view as arbitrary arrests, and Brussels has warned of consequences, including suspension of visa-free travel with the EU, if Georgia’s democratic backsliding isn’t reversed.
The results of a poll by the Institute of Social Studies and Analysis (ISSA), released early in July, suggested 73% of Georgians were in favor of releasing detained protesters, including 40% of Georgian Dream supporters.
“The Georgian people do not believe in the young people detained during the protests or Mzia Amaghlobeli being criminals, something that propaganda so eagerly claims,” Iago Kachkachishvili, a sociologist and ISSA Board Chairman, said when commenting on the survey results.
The reports about possible pardon deals also come amid delays in verdict announcements in two protest-related cases: that of Giorgi Akhobadze, a prominent doctor and activist arrested during protests on serious drug charges, and Anatoli Gigauri, a protester and war veteran charged with assaulting a police officer. Both have pleaded not guilty. Akhobadze has argued that his case involves politically motivated drug planting and a lack of impartial evidence, while Gigauri’s defense points to video footage showing the police officer striking him first.
The verdicts in both cases were initially scheduled for July 28 but were postponed, with new dates yet to be announced. While the precise reason for the delay in Akhobadze’s case remains unclear, in Gigauri’s case, the judge cited the need for further assessment of the circumstances, including whether the defendant’s actions constituted self-defense.
Earlier, in a surprise move, prosecutors in the case of Saba Skhvitaridze, also initially charged with assaulting a police officer during the protests, decided to reduce the charges to “intentional minor bodily harm.” The decision followed the defense’s argument that Skhvitaridze could not have known the man in question was a police officer. Skhvitaridze has also pleaded not guilty, claiming he acted in self-defense after the man first slapped a woman who was accompanying him.
Confusion is mounting as courts operate at full speed throughout the summer, holding frequent hearings in group violence cases, often several times a week. Lawyers suspect the rush reflects a determination to issue verdicts before the nine-month limit on pre-trial detention expires. Several guilty verdicts have already been handed down, mostly sentencing protesters to years in prison for allegedly assaulting police officers. Yet recent delays and procedural shifts have fueled cautious optimism within the opposition, suggesting that cracks may be forming in the otherwise GD-loyal judiciary.
“The judges started to protest political orders en masse,” Nika Gvaramia, jailed leader of the opposition Ahali party, said in a post published on his Facebook account on July 29, arguing that judges are facing mounting social pressure over their role. The judges “are very troubled by social isolation and fair resentment from the citizens,” Gvaramia noted.
Also Read:
- 18/07/2025 – Protester Anri Kvaratskhelia Sentenced to 4.5 Years in Jail Over Molotov Cocktail Allegations
- 10/07/2025 – 19-Year-Old Protester Saba Jikia Sentenced to 4.5 Years in Jail Over ‘Assaulting’ Police
- 03/07/2025 – Protester Giorgi Mindadze Sentenced to Five Years in Jail over ‘Assaulting’ Police
- 12/06/2025 – Mate Devidze Sentenced to 4.5 Years in Jail
Russia’s increasing military presence in Armenia has stirred considerable speculation in the region. According to Armenian media reports, the Russian 102nd military base in Gyumri has seen a notable influx of military equipment and ammunition in recent weeks. Cargo planes carrying supplies are reportedly landing on a near-daily basis. While Moscow has yet to clarify the purpose of these shipments, multiple theories have emerged — ranging from routine resupply to deeper strategic maneuvering.
Nationalisation of Electric Networks of Armenia
If the matter reaches the point of nationalising the Electric Networks of Armenia, its owner Samvel Karapetyan will undoubtedly be paid compensation. This was stated in an interview with a local outlet by Minister of Justice Srbuhi Galyan.
The Tashir Group conglomerate, founded by Russian businessman Samvel Karapetyan, has been managing the Electric Networks of Armenia since 2015. The dollar billionaire himself has been under arrest since June this year, accused of publicly calling for the seizure of power. In July, the Armenian parliament passed a bill allowing for the nationalisation of the Electric Networks of Armenia. Ten days ago, an interim manager for the company was already appointed.
The opposition claims that “the state is taking the company away from its owner.” The minister of justice assures that sharp political statements do not mean compensation won’t be provided.
She says that the state’s actions toward the company at this stage do not concern nationalisation. If such a decision is made, nationalisation will proceed in accordance with the provisions that have already been introduced into legislation.
“The civil code provides for the possibility of nationalisation, and the constitution provides for the possibility of restricting property rights. Restriction of property rights is only possible in the case of providing compensation,” Galstyan emphasised.
She stated that the government does not aim to harm the owner. The government’s actions are aimed at “minimising damage, managing risks, and preventing possible collapse and sabotage.”
The Armenian parliament adopted legal amendments allowing the company to be nationalised after the prime minister stated that citizens constantly complain to him about its work. “ENA, as a result of its operations, nearly created an energy crisis in Armenia. My analysis gives reason to believe that all this was done and continues to be done in order to provoke internal discontent in Armenia,” said Pashinyan.
The minister of justice also commented on the arbitration court’s decision regarding the nationalisation process. The businessman’s family claims to have won a case against the Armenian government at the Arbitration Institute of the Stockholm Chamber of Commerce. The arbitrator ordered the Armenian government to refrain from “further steps to confiscate the company.” The minister of justice explained that the arbitrator’s decision is not final.
All details of the case and clarifications from the minister of justice.
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“An arbitration ruling may not be enforced if it contradicts public order”
After the adoption of the draft law on the nationalisation of the Electric Networks of Armenia (ENA), Samvel Karapetyan initiated urgent arbitration proceedings against the government. The case was considered by the Arbitration Institute of the Stockholm Chamber of Commerce (SCC Arbitration Institute).
It is reported that the arbitration tribunal ordered the Armenian government to refrain from applying legislative amendments aimed at nationalising the ENA, as well as from any further steps toward its confiscation. Additionally, the tribunal prohibited the appointment of a temporary administrator and amendments to the company’s charter. The arbitrator demanded that the company’s licences not be revoked and that its normal business operations not be restricted.
Nevertheless, the government has already appointed its representative as temporary administrator — Romanos Petrosyan, a member of the ruling party.
Previously, Karapetyan’s family had notified state bodies of an investment dispute based on an agreement signed between Armenia and Cyprus. They manage the ENA also through a Cyprus-registered company, Liormand Holdings Limited, which holds 30% of ENA shares.
Karapetyan’s team and some experts argue that the arbitration ruling is binding. However, Justice Minister Srbuhi Galyan stated that the emergency decision made in Karapetyan’s favour by the arbitrator “is not subject to mandatory enforcement if it contradicts public order.”
“Decisions made by arbitration, yes, are subject to enforcement. That is the general regulation that should apply. But there is also the New York Convention, which Armenia has joined. And it differentiates between emergency arbitration rulings issued as interim relief and final awards that resolve the case on the merits,” she explained.
To enforce the arbitration decision in favour of the company’s owners, the claimant must file a request with an Armenian court. Only after the court issues a verdict can the arbitrator’s decision be subject to compulsory enforcement.
According to the minister, the New York Convention allows national courts to reject enforcement of such decisions if they “contradict public order”:
“We are dealing with the application of a law. What is this law about? It essentially ensures public order. Or at least it is based on the principle of ensuring public order. And that may be grounds for the decision not to be enforced.”
Galyan noted that the government cannot predict whether the court will recognise the arbitrator’s decision as subject to mandatory enforcement:
“There is a clear legal procedure. If the decision is not enforced voluntarily, the party may apply to the local court for it to be enforced compulsorily. And there is a convention-based ground [contradiction to public order] under which the decision may not be enforced.”
Nationalisation of Electric Networks of Armenia
Reaction of Armenian government
The government does not deny that the arbitration ruling was in favour of the Karapetyans. It only asserts that the substance of the dispute is different. In its response, the government stated that the temporary administrator was appointed in order to:
- prevent the risk of a deliberately induced energy crisis,
- ensure public order,
- eliminate possible risks threatening national security,
- prevent the concealment of abuses that had taken place within ENA and to stop further abuses.
“We show respect towards interim measures applied by foreign arbitration rulings. At the same time, everyone must also follow Armenian legislation and the international treaties that establish the procedures and conditions for the recognition and enforcement of arbitral decisions,” the statement reads.
There is an emergency arbitration ruling, but no final verdict yet
Emergency arbitration is intended for cases where one party requests urgent interim measures before the dispute is considered on the merits. The Stockholm ruling is such an interim measure.
According to the arbitration rules, an emergency ruling is not considered final but becomes binding on the parties from the moment it is issued.
Under the same rules, one of the disputing parties must initiate full arbitration proceedings. If such proceedings are not initiated within 30 days of the emergency ruling, the decision ceases to be binding. If the case is not submitted to the main arbitration court within 90 days, the ruling loses its validity. The emergency ruling also ceases to be binding once the arbitration court delivers its final verdict.
The court has the authority, through its final verdict, to uphold, amend, or annul the emergency ruling. The full proceedings may take several months.
“We will very patiently wait for the substantive hearing of the dispute. Of course, the government will present its arguments. And we’ll see how the arbitrator reacts when the substance of the dispute is reviewed,” says Minister of Justice Srbuhi Galyan.
Analysts explain that the authorities may choose not to comply with the ruling. In that case, however, there could be undesirable consequences. In particular, Armenia might be required to pay the Karapetyans a much larger compensation under the final ruling. Experts also do not rule out the possibility of Armenian foreign assets being seized.
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Nationalisation of Electric Networks of Armenia