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Day: July 16, 2025
The trial of Mzia Amaghlobeli
“Maybe I’ll spend several years in prison just because the regime wants it,” said Georgian journalist Mzia Amaghlobeli to the judge during another hearing in her case, held on July 14.
Less than 15 days remain until the trial concludes – Mzia’s verdict will be announced on July 28.
Mzia Amaghlobeli, founder and head of the popular outlets Batumelebi and Netgazeti, has become the first journalist recognized as a prisoner of conscience in Georgia. She was arrested in January 2025 for slapping the chief of police in Batumi during a protest. Law enforcement classified the incident as “assaulting a police officer,” and she now faces a prison sentence of 4 to 7 years. She has remained in custody since her arrest.
Despite requests from her lawyers, the judge did not allow Mzia Amaghlobeli to leave the glass enclosure designated for defendants and give her testimony from the witness stand.
As a result, the journalist’s voice was barely audible in the courtroom. Her colleagues, who regularly attend the trials, wrote on social media that Mzia was visibly nervous, recalling the harsh circumstances of her arrest and mistreatment.
Her voice occasionally cracked, and she seemed choked up. The courtroom was tense and silent, and, according to journalist Zurab Vardiashvili, could have “erupted with anger” at any moment.
The courtroom did not erupt, but one journalist present – who demanded that the accused be allowed to speak louder – was expelled. That journalist moved outside and, armed with a megaphone, continued protesting the judge’s actions.
The noise was clearly heard inside, prompting the court to move the session to a smaller room in a remote wing of the building. Yet the voice of Mzia’s outraged colleague carried through even there.
The court announced that all future hearings in Amaghlobeli’s case would be held in this courtroom, which seats only 20 people.
Mzia Amaghlobeli’s testimony was not broadcast live, and journalists were unable to film it, as filming in courtrooms and even lobbies has been banned since June 30.
What Mzia Amaghlobeli told the court
Mzia Amaghlobeli told the court how many years ago she and her friend Eter Turadze began independent journalism in Ajara, a region in southwestern Georgia, “rejecting the flattering, propagandistic Soviet journalism.”
“Governments don’t tolerate critical journalism, but it’s not so dangerous when a country has an independent judiciary and freedom of speech is protected by law – unlike our current situation,” she said.
According to the journalist, around ten investigators were assigned to her case, but none of them conducted any real investigation. Mzia Amaghlobeli claims that the head of Batumi police, Irakli Dgebuadze – the man she was arrested for slapping – swore to “make her bleed.”
“I don’t know, maybe I’ll spend several years in prison just because the regime wants it,” Mzia Amaghlobeli said.
She also recalled the night of January 11 to 12, when she joined one of the many protests taking place across Georgia at the time. Amaghlobeli says the police were violently suppressing the demonstration, detaining participants without cause and provoking the crowd.
“I remember the commotion. I don’t remember how I ended up surrounded by police and masked men. I felt awful, I don’t know what happened – I was basically one-on-one with the police. It was a show of force. They were pushing me back and forth.
I felt a strong blow to my back, fell, and lost consciousness for a few moments. I don’t know who brought me back,” she said, describing the moment she lost her composure.
The journalist said this is what led her to slap the police chief:
“Have you ever been surprised by your own behavior? Don’t think I regret it. I don’t. If it happened, then it was inevitable – I couldn’t have done otherwise. It was an impulsive reaction to offensive, degrading, arrogant, and mocking treatment.”
Amaghlobeli also recalled how, after her arrest, Irakli Dgebuadze insulted, threatened, and even spat on her.
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Hearing summary
At the July 14 hearing, the judge rejected a motion by Mzia Amaghlobeli’s lawyers to summon Georgian Dream Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze and MP Nino Tsilosani as witnesses.
Irakli Kobakhidze has repeatedly violated the presumption of innocence in public statements, attempting to convince Georgian Dream supporters that Mzia Amaghlobeli acted on someone’s orders to discredit the police. Nino Tsilosani has made similar claims.
The trial of Mzia Amaghlobeli is nearing its end, with two hearings remaining: on July 21 and July 28, when the verdict is expected to be announced.
News in Georgia
Georgian Dream Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze said unnamed individuals “suspected in corruption” and forced to leave the ruling party are behind spreading rumors of internal disputes within Georgian Dream, which they allegedly fund through intermediaries.
“There are concrete individuals […] funded by concrete persons who were suspected of corruption and had to leave the team,” Kobakhidze said in July 14 comments to journalists. He didn’t specify the names of the individuals and whether they were part of the ruling party “team” or also served in the government.
He named opposition politician Levan Khabeishvili and TV Pirveli anchor Nodar Meladze as recipients of the money, claiming they publicly voice information passed to them by those individuals.
“According to my information, which is not so unreliable, he [Khabeishvili] was on a monthly wage. He even had a nickname in the salary description. The same source also funds Nodar Meladze, who receives directives from this group suspected of corruption to spread this information,” Kobakhidze said.
Levan Khabeishvili, former chair of the United National Movement, has recently drawn attention following his seemingly prophetic remarks about the financial troubles of current and former Georgian Dream officials.
One of them was former Adjara government head Tornike Rizhvadze, who sustained a near-fatal gunshot wound on July 7 in what authorities said was a suicide attempt. Weeks before the incident, Khabeishvili claimed that the ex-official had been under pressure to repay more than USD 300,000 to Bidzina Ivanishvili, allegedly gained through corruption.
Khabeishvili also claimed other officials are facing similar pressure, including former State Security Service head Grigol Liluashvili, who resigned in April; former Prime Minister Irakli Garibashvili, who left politics the same month; and Tbilisi Mayor Kakha Kaladze. His comments have been picked up by opposition-leaning media, particularly TV Pirveli, where Nodar Meladze’s investigative program airs.
“There are people suspected of corruption, and they try to overshadow the accusations that may exist against them with PR maneuvers. For this, they easily distribute money to Khabeishvili, Meladze, and others,” Kobakhidze further claimed.
Remarks follow a wave of controversies, including arrests, resignations, criminal prosecutions, and even gunshot incidents involving former officials and business associates of the Georgian Dream party and its billionaire founder, Bidzina Ivanishvili. Signs of a widening campaign have continued to emerge over the past days. On July 15, financial police searched a business center owned by Lasha Papashvili, a businessman believed to be close to the ruling party.
Resignations have also swept through key economic agencies in recent days. The heads of the Land Transport Agency, the Oil and Gas Corporation, and the Maritime Transport Agency, all under the Ministry of Economy, have stepped down. Maritime Agency head Aleksi Akhvlediani resigned after being charged with negligent storage of the firearm that wounded Rizhvadze.
While Georgian Dream touts its “uncompromising” anti-corruption efforts, the one-party parliament has advanced a legislative package that would toughen penalties for financial crimes. The bill, which has passed two readings and awaits final approval, includes long-term travel bans for convicts, asset seizures from relatives, and penalties for those who offer them even minimal assistance.
In the eyes of critics, the legislation’s selective focus raises concerns that the anti-corruption banner is being wielded less as a tool of reform and more as an instrument of political retribution in the hands of Bidzina Ivanishvili.
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