Day: June 19, 2024

NPR News: 06-19-2024 1PM EDT

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Fifth meeting of EU-Azerbaijan Security Dialogue held in Brussels  AzerNews.Az

Serj Tankian criticises Imagine Dragons for Azerbaijan show  Far Out Magazine

Armenia’s defense deal with France sparks aggressive Azerbaijani response  Armenian Weekly

Armenian top diplomat will not participate in CSTO Foreign Ministers Council Meeting  Armenpress.am

They say that flying is meant for only birds and fairytales.

Is that true? At least that’s the truth they’ve been telling us.

Because that which seems improbable makes no room for

what can be possible. And so, the unreal remains in the

realm of fantasy, as part of that hidden truth that only

lives inside of you. 

—Dr. Tamar Marie Boyadjian from The Mepe & the Dragon (Arpi Publishing, 2024) 

In the Zone (Illustration by Arpi Krikorian, inspired by The Mepe & the Dragon)

I made up so many stories as a kid. A lot of them were influenced by the fantasies I read — even more were inspired by my loneliness. Characters were easy to get along with. They didn’t make fun of me, and they made for great friends. Plus, there were dragons and mythical creatures — I still love dragons. Every book was a new world, a new adventure. There’s never a dull moment when your best friends are books — and especially when they are fantastic ones. 

I read all those considered “the greats”: Tolkien, Lewis, the Icelandic sagas, Homer, Virgil, Beowulf, medieval romances and the tales of King Arthur and Robin Hood, Malory, Celtic folklore and Dante. Books were all around me. Then, there were those written during the Victorian era, such as Ruskin’s The King of the Golden River and MacDonald’s The Princess and the Goblin. How dare I forget Morris, Wilde and Lovecraft! The medieval attracted me most; T.H. White sealed the deal. I didn’t know fantasy could be funny until The Sword in the Stone — Merlin would definitely tutor me with Wart, and we would both equally dislike Kay. In my world, young girls could train as knights, too. They could also pull swords from stones. 

Soldiers of the Forest (Illustration by Arpi Krikorian, inspired by The Mepe & the Dragon)

I always tried to picture myself in the imaginary world created by each fantasy series I read. I couldn’t tell if it was comforting or aggravating to know that I really didn’t belong there. Perhaps that was the point of the genre — to stand apart from anything imaginable. But I always wondered: what would these worlds look like if these characters resembled my extended family and me? Would I connect more to these otherworldly realms if they were built on premodern Armenian and Mediterranean stories instead of British or Western European ones? What would a mythical Armenian world even look like — especially when women are at the forefront?

I embarked on this quest: my treasure was not a grail but a book. I dedicated myself to this question while pursuing a doctorate in medieval Mediterranean literature with a focus on the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia. I thought myself a Tolkien or a Lewis, and others did the same, too. Then I realized, as medievalists, why they not only taught fantasy, but also wrote it. I had the same urge as a teacher, because all the while I was learning about the awesomeness of the medieval world, I had created my own medieval world. The entire time I was reading hegemonic European narratives of the Middle Ages, I was rethinking their representation of the “Orient” and the “Armenians.” When I studied manuscripts and their premodern stories, I searched for those that included my own. Then, I searched for those written from the point of view of Armenians: what did they have to say about dragons and mythical creatures and knights, in bolorgir? 

Tranformation (Illustration by Arpi Krikorian, inspired by The Mepe & the Dragon)

As much as early fantasy fiction centers itself around European crusading and colonial realities — imagining how kingdoms and national empires could extend themselves against “demonic and barbaric others” guised under the chanson of salvation — I knew that my world was not built this way. As much as medieval European romances use their narratives to reflect on the God-endowed grandeur of European conquests against Eastern Christians and the Arabo-Islamic world, I knew my world did not support these realities. And as much as the heroic adventures of premodern epics and romances lacked fully-formed female characters, I knew that women in my world did not exist only to support — or sometimes to trick or inhibit — a man’s journey. They were deserving of character profiles, too. 

I searched for these women. I discovered very few. I discovered Sahagtukht and Khosrovitukht. I read their surviving words; I drew from their courage. And so, I began to bring my world to life, one Armenian letter at a time. My world was not only Armenian; it was also built on Hittite, Urartian, Mesopotamian, Persian, Arab, Georgian, Greek and other traditions and nuances. In my world, autonomous leaders are called mepes; there are also mythical trees and legendary creatures, like the aralez. I began to translate this world and converse with my characters. Like a method actor, I identified with each personality’s emotions and motivations. I already knew their stories; they were composed on palimpsests inspired by intentional expeditions through Armenian verses, which were once etched on ancient and medieval vellum. 

The Secret Portal (Illustration by Arpi Krikorian, inspired by The Mepe & the Dragon)

Everything I read contributed to my worldbuilding. Of course, I was also determined to read every fantasy book written in Armenian. I found myself back again in the premodern. I read grapar. I re-read the Armenian epic. I re-read the histories of Movses Xorenatsi, Pavstos Puzant, Ghazar Parbetsi, Agathangełos and many other authors. I read and searched for Armenian folktales and legends. I was introduced to these authors and stories as a child when I attended Armenian school; I had revisited them in grad school. How could I have forgotten that Armenians also had dragons? That they even rode on them? That Xorenatsi tells us the children of Aztahag were dragon-born? That supernatural characters also filled these pages? It was as if time had erased the possibility of modern fantasy even existing in Armenian. 

Why is it that Western Armenian has not experienced fantasy up to this point? What does it mean to compose fantasy and worldbuild in a language that is considered “endangered” and “dying?” 

Perspective (Illustration by Arpi Krikorian, inspired by The Mepe & the Dragon)

I thought about the way the premodern was taught to me in Armenian school. I remember learning about the father of Armenian history, Movses Xorenatsi. I remember reading sections from his History in the modern Armenian translation. I had never considered his History as something else — as also an imaginary. I also remember reading the story of King Arshag and the Persian King Shabuh from the History of Pavstos Puzant. When Arshag was tested by Shabuh and asked to step on Armenian soil, he spoke his truth confidently: “This is the realm of the Arshaguni dynasty, and if I return back to my world, I will take great vengeance on you” (my translation). What was Arshag’s “realm” and “world?” Yes, it was Armenian. Yes, it was Arshaguni. But, as children, why couldn’t we imagine it? 

These texts were written in classical Armenian. We knew we were reading histories originally written in our ancient language. But, when we read them in Western Armenian, they felt old and distant from us. Imagining mythical worlds in English was not difficult. We had so many examples to draw from. Throwing ourselves into created geographies, backstories and invented languages felt effortless in English. We could not do the same in our own language, because when we read from our ancient books, we never considered them as creative efforts — they were history. They were taught to us as facts. They were taught to us only to validate our past. 

Lost in the Woods (Illustration by Arpi Krikorian, inspired by The Mepe & the Dragon)

So, our teachers drew our attention to the long-lasting presence of the Armenian people. We learned about our historical kingdoms to authenticate our place in the ancient world. Our teachers drew attention to our perseverance. We learned about our history as a way of pointing to our determined existence — even beyond the trauma of war, the Hamidian massacres and the Armenian Genocide. All this left very little room for the imagination, for a fictional universe — especially in Western Armenian. 

Arguably, the evolution of the genre of fantasy is futurism. To move beyond the tropes that make up early fantasy fiction means to create imaginaries that are not based on colonial models of history and the world. Contemporary movements of futurism — such as Armenian Futurism, Afrofuturism, Indigenous futurism, Arab futurism and others — combine fiction, history and fantasy as part of their worldbuilding. They aim to connect diasporas with forgotten and premodern ancestries; they rewrite a past that is not based on suppressive realities. Futurism liberates our way of thinking by helping us move beyond our generational trauma to healed spaces. Futurism reclaims the past to empower the present. Futurism allows us to create possibilities that were once unimaginable. Futurism allows us to manifest healed worlds. I consider my fantasy series as part of the movement of Armenian futurism, because it strives to do all of that.

I believe that writing fictional fantasy in Western Armenian can only seem like a possibility when we also embark on the journey of healing ourselves from our generational trauma. It does not mean we forget, but it means we permit ourselves to imagine other worlds without feeling like they are betrayals to the memory of our ancestors. Writing fantasy in Western Armenian means having a different understanding of our ancient and modern Armenian history. We allow ourselves the room to think of books as having mythological and folkloric elements; again, this does not mean we are saying our history is a myth. Writing fantasy in Western Armenian means forming a different relationship to our language. It means thinking of Western Armenian as not just a vessel for cultural preservation. It means that we can create, play and imagine in Western Armenian — and we give ourselves consent to do so. Rather than focusing on the “death” of the language, why not bring it to life by building worlds with it? Rather than focusing on only the tragedies of our past, why not tell our history in ways that allow for visual connection — like Roger Kupelian does in East of Byzantium I: War Gods and East of Byzantium: Warrior Saints and Sergei Parajanov does in The Color of Pomegranates?

But, how can we begin to imagine worlds in a language that continuously demands conversations about preservation? If we were to let go of our fear of losing Western Armenian, we could also think of what we gain through the language. If we start to think of speaking and writing in Western Armenian as acts of community-building, rooted in love — rather than efforts that divide us and are rooted in fear — we can also begin to imagine a living language; we can begin to think of alternate universes where we not only belong, but also thrive. We can confront our generational trauma, heal and dream together. By building together, the improbable can make room for the possible.

I Want to Break Free (Illustration by Arpi Krikorian, inspired by The Mepe & the Dragon)

Does the unreal only remain in the realm of fantasy? Only if we lose sight of faith. Sometimes, we are lucky enough to earn the faith of others in our journey. I feel blessed to have earned the support of many on this journey, including my friends and family. Most importantly, I was able to earn the support of Arpi Publishing. When I received a phone call from pioneering visual artist and founder of the press, Arpi Krikorian, I knew that the world I had created was beyond the mere genre of “fantasy.” When she told me that my series in Western Armenian was accepted by the press, I knew that others could be part of it too. Then, I was honored to learn it was the first of its kind. With so few presses in the world that even publish books in Western Armenian, I knew that writing the book wasn’t enough. Without Krikorian’s vision and efforts in supporting the creation of original Western-Armenian works for children and young adults, I wonder how many books would have been lost or not even written. Krikorian and Arpi Publishing are allowing my book to take flight — instead of being some sort of long-lost fairytale. 

Author information

The post What does it mean to write fantasy in Western Armenian? appeared first on The Armenian Weekly.

Chief of the French Military Staff General Fabien Mandon and Armenian Defense Minister Suren Papikyan meet in Paris (MoD of Armenia, June 19, 2024)

YEREVAN—The Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan has issued a strong response following Armenia’s recent contract with France for the purchase of CAESAR self-propelled artillery systems. 

Armenia has finalized an agreement to purchase CAESAR self-propelled artillery systems from France. The deal, hailed as a pivotal milestone by French Minister of the Armed Forces Sébastien Lecornue, was formally sealed on June 17 in Paris. The contract signing ceremony took place between Armenian Defense Minister Suren Papikyan and the military-industrial company KNDS.

Details of the agreement, including the quantity, delivery schedule and production, remain confidential at the request of the Armenian government. This procurement follows recommendations from French senators in December to explore the potential supply of CAESAR artillery systems to Armenia.

“We continue to strengthen our defense relations with Armenia. I had a warm and productive conversation with my colleague,” Minister Lecornue said, highlighting the positive diplomatic and strategic implications of the deal.

The Azerbaijani Defense Ministry expressed concern over France’s decision to supply Armenia with weaponry, “despite the warnings of the Azerbaijani side.” This move, according to Azerbaijan, is “another evidence of France’s provocative activities in the South Caucasus region.”

In a statement released on June 18, the Defense Ministry criticized France for disregarding Azerbaijani objections and accused President Emmanuel Macron’s administration of “pursuing a policy of militarization and geopolitical intrigue in the region.” The ministry argued that supplying Armenia with lethal weapons contradicts France’s earlier claims that its military aid was defensive in nature. 

The statement also accused Armenia of pursuing a revanchist policy with the support of France. It criticized France’s colonial history and accused the Macron regime of perpetuating neocolonialism in various parts of the world. 

Azerbaijan concluded by holding Armenia’s leadership and the Macron administration responsible for “the aggravation of the situation in the South Caucasus and the emergence of a new hotbed of war.”

Armenia’s Foreign Ministry issued a formal response on June 19, stating that Baku’s reaction “causes confusion.” The Ministry emphasized that it is the “sovereign right of every state to maintain combat-capable armed forces equipped with modern military assets.”

In its statement, the Foreign Ministry reiterated its commitment to recognizing the territorial integrity and inviolability of borders of all its neighbors, including Azerbaijan. Armenia highlighted the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration, wherein both countries agreed to respect each other’s sovereignty. Armenia emphasized its adherence to these principles and clarified that it has no territorial ambitions beyond its internationally recognized borders of 29,743 square kilometers.

The Foreign Ministry underscored its efforts towards this principle, citing practical steps such as the recent demarcation of four villages in the Tavush region of Armenia and Ghazakh region of Azerbaijan. Armenia called on Azerbaijan to reciprocate by ending the occupation of more than 30 villages in Armenia.

“Azerbaijan’s practice of predicting regional escalations at every opportunity is alarming and comes to prove the analyses made by a number of centers that Azerbaijan will do everything to disrupt the process of concluding a peace agreement with Armenia in order to launch a new aggression against the Republic of Armenia after the COP29 summit in Baku in November 2024,” the statement reads.

Armenia urged the international community to take note of Azerbaijan’s continued disruption of the peace process, including its failure to respond to Armenia’s proposal to sign a treaty within one month.

The French-Armenian agreement unfolded against a backdrop of renewed accusations of military activity along the Armenia-Azerbaijan border. Azerbaijani authorities accused Armenian armed forces of firing small arms towards Azerbaijani positions in Sharur, Ordubad, Sahbuz and Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic, between June 12 and 16.

Armenia’s Foreign Ministry swiftly denied all accusations made by Azerbaijan, highlighting its commitment to non-aggression and adherence to international agreements. The European Union Mission in Armenia also stated that its border patrols “haven’t observed any unusual movements or incidents.”

These accusations coincided with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan’s appearance at the National Assembly on June 12, where he faced opposition from thousands of members of the “Tavush for the Homeland” movement. The movement has criticized his administration’s handling of territorial disputes with Azerbaijan and its unilateral concessions of Armenian territories in Tavush.

At least 80 civilians and journalists were injured when police deployed stun grenades to disperse the protest. The police response has come under harsh criticism from Armenian opposition figures, as well as international watchdog groups. 

Arman Tatoyan, the former Human Rights Defender of Armenia, condemned the police intervention at the Baghramyan-Demirchyan intersection on June 12 as a serious breach of legal standards. 

Tatoyan asserted that the police failed to provide adequate justification or transparency before resorting to special measures against protesters. He criticized the timing and manner in which the police deployed stun grenades and other forceful tactics, arguing that such actions should strictly adhere to protocols governing lethal force. Tatoyan also condemned instances of police violence, including physical assaults on participants, which he insisted must result in criminal prosecution.

Tatoyan accused the government of endorsing the police actions. He specifically criticized National Assembly Speaker Alen Simonyan’s support of the use of stun grenades. “These statements amount to a green light for unchecked violence and special measures by the police, signaling a culture of impunity,” Tatoyan said, pointing to injuries sustained by both protesters and police officers.

Tatoyan highlighted a direct correlation between political rhetoric condoning police actions and violations, citing a lack of criminal consequences for officers involved in past incidents. “This government, which once pledged to curb police violence and ensure accountability, has instead perpetuated a climate of impunity,” Tatoyan concluded.

Former Prime Minister of Armenia Vazgen Manukyan also strongly condemned the recent violence against protesters on Baghramyan Avenue. He characterized the actions of the police as unjustifiable from humanitarian, professional and legal standpoints, labeling them as criminal acts deserving full consequences.

Manukyan accused the police of enforcing arbitrary orders from a single individual, implicating PM Pashinyan in directing these actions during his address from the National Assembly podium. He said that the government is targeting individuals with patriotic views, pointing to the severe assault on Abraham Gasparyan.

Furthermore, Manukyan said that the current administration is disconnected from the values of the Armenian people, asserting that it does not enjoy popular support. He predicted its short lifespan and the inevitable victory of the “Tavush for the Homeland” movement.

The International Press Institute (IPI), a global advocate for press freedom, also voiced concern over the injuries sustained by at least 10 Armenian journalists at the hands of police during their coverage of the June 12 protests. In a statement, the IPI called for an immediate and thorough investigation into these incidents, urging Armenian authorities to prioritize the safety of all media personnel.

“We demand a swift, comprehensive and impartial inquiry into the events of June 12. Regardless of the context of the protests, any use of excessive force or violence against journalists carrying out their duties is unacceptable. Those responsible for such actions must be held accountable,” said Scott Griffen, Deputy Director of the IPI.

The statement noted that journalists from ABCmedia.am, News.am, CivilNet, Armlur and Mediahub.am were injured, underscoring the need for robust protections for press freedom in Armenia during times of civil unrest.

Tigran Abrahamyan, MP of the “I Have Honor” faction, conducted visits to detention facilities on June 14 to assess the condition of approximately two dozen citizens who were detained during the protest. 

“Many of them have sustained injuries of varying degrees as a result of torture inflicted by certain groups of police officers,” Abrahamyan said.

He claimed that PM Pashinyan may have organized a criminal group responsible for these acts of torture and the degradation of human dignity. Abrahamyan suggested that this group operates under Pashinyan’s direct supervision.

“While there were reports of some police officers attempting to prevent the violence, their efforts appear to have been unsuccessful,” Abrahamyan said.

Amnesty International also criticized the police violence against protesters. “We are deeply troubled by the intensity of the clashes in Yerevan. We urge Armenian authorities to conduct an immediate and impartial investigation into the incident, particularly regarding allegations of disproportionate use of force by the police,” stated Natalia Nozadze, Amnesty International’s South Caucasus researcher. She emphasized that the response of authorities to protests, even under volatile circumstances, must adhere to international human rights laws and standards.

Author information

The post Armenia’s defense deal with France sparks aggressive Azerbaijani response appeared first on The Armenian Weekly.

There was an unannounced guest at Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi’s state funeral in late May. Alongside dignitaries from neighboring states – including Nikol Pashinyan of Armenia and Prime Minister Ali Asadov of Azerbaijan – Georgian Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, accompanied by the country’s foreign minister, was in attendance in Tehran. 

There was no advanced notice of the visit. Georgians learned about it from news reports and government channels the day of the funeral, which described, with little additional information, how Kobakhidze “expressed his sympathy to the Iranian people,” as he reportedly told Iran’s ambassador in Tbilisi. 

Such trips by Georgian or Iranian government leaders are rare, and analysts were left to puzzle about the motives for the visit. 

“Tehran prefers that Georgia is not influenced by the [Western] factor in its relations with Iran,” said Vali Kaleji, a Tehran-based expert on Iranian foreign policy in the Caucasus. “Therefore, it seems that if new approaches in Georgia’s domestic and foreign policy lead to closer relations between Georgia and Russia, Iran will welcome it.” 

Unlike Armenia and Azerbaijan, Georgia does not share a border with Iran, and trade between the countries has been comparatively modest. Tbilisi and Tehran have maintained stable relations throughout the years, hitting only a few speed bumps along the way. 

These days, Georgia is in the midst of a dizzying geopolitical realignment spurred by the ruling Georgian Dream party’s passage of a divisive law that can potentially enable incumbent authorities to muzzle dissent. 

As its Western allies start distancing themselves politically and taking their investments elsewhere, Georgia’s path to forge closer ties with illiberal regimes like those in China and Iran seems more open than at any point in its post-Soviet history. 

In a meeting on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, in January, both Georgian and Iranian diplomats signaled openness to expanding economic cooperation. “Special attention was paid to the need for sustainable and stable development of the region,” Georgia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said in a statement about the meeting. 

Of late, Tehran has strengthened commercial relations with Azerbaijan – with whom it has had a complicated relationship in recent years – as part of the expansion of the North-South trade corridor. At the same time, Iran’s generally healthy relationship with Armenia has come under some strain. 

Georgia, meanwhile, has traditionally walked a fine line with Iran, a stance driven by long-standing aspirations of integrating into Western political, economic, and security institutions. While always interested in building trade ties and welcoming Iranian tourists, Georgian leaders have been wary of engaging Iran in any way that might rile the United States, which for almost the past half century has considered Tehran as a bête noire. 

The desire to keep the US and European Union happy prompted Georgia to pass up some potentially lucrative joint projects with Iran in the 1990s. Former president Mikheil Saakashvili, the most ardent supporter of NATO and EU accession for Georgia, generally kept Iran at arm’s length. Even the Georgian Dream-led government temporarily suspended visa-free travel to Georgia for Iranian citizens in 2013, when the US expressed concern about potential sanctions-busting behavior. 

In recent years, Georgian entities have been careful about doing deals with Iran. “Georgian companies and banks are also cautious in cooperating with Iranian companies and banks due to the concern of US sanctions,” said Kaleji, the expert on Iran’s foreign policy. 

Kobakhidze’s visit to Tehran suggests that the government is less concerned now than previously about what Washington and Brussels think about the Georgian dealings with Iran. 

The visit was a major surprise for many political analysts in Tbilisi. “Two months ago, we lived in a different country,” said Giorgi Sanikidze, a professor at Tbilisi’s Ilia State University, referring to Georgia’s rapid geopolitical pivot amid the implementation of the country’s foreign agents law. Despite having studied Iran’s relations with countries in the region for over three decades, Sanikidze struggled to offer a rationale for Kobakhidze’s visit beyond its public relations boost to bilateral relations, indicating that there was no clear benefit to be derived from the trip for Georgia’s strategic interests. 

Iran has floated the idea of closer economic ties in the past, including by supplying Iranian gas to Georgia through Armenia, but those efforts have not resulted in concrete agreements. Even so, state data shows that gas imports to Georgia from Iran exploded by more than 600 percent in 2023. If the two countries are indeed preparing to pursue closer relations, energy supplies are a likely catalyst. 

But as Tbilisi’s ties with the US and EU seem set to weaken, Tehran may also be a potential source of political support for the Georgian Dream government, which was characterized in a recent Freedom House report as an increasingly authoritarian regime. 

“Iran also supports these fundamentalist conservative conceptions about the ‘great past,’ how ‘we are different,’ ‘we are a great nation with this rich historical past,’” Sanikidze said. “These are, today, the slogans of Georgian Dream – it’s practically the same.”

Azerbaijan-Türkiye ties: New goals in economy, energy, transportation | Daily Sabah  Daily Sabah