NPR News: 06-10-2024 9PM EDT
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Day: June 10, 2024
mexico city — Mexican President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum said Monday that she would put up for discussion proposed constitutional reforms, including a judicial overhaul that has spooked markets, before the next congressional session kicks off.
The judicial reform would replace an appointed Supreme Court with popularly elected judges, as well as for some lower courts, which critics allege would fundamentally alter the balance of power in Mexico.
Sheinbaum, speaking in a press conference following a meeting with outgoing President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, said the reform would be “among the first” that could be passed, along with some boosted social benefits.
She added she did not believe the proposed reforms would impact the peso, which tumbled following her election win earlier this month.
As Sheinbaum was speaking, however, the peso weakened by nearly 2% against the U.S. dollar in international trading.
Some of the measures are part of a slew of constitutional reforms Lopez Obrador proposed in February that would also eliminate key regulatory agencies.
At the time they did not cause market jitters, but investors sounded the alarm as the ruling coalition closed in on a congressional supermajority needed to pass constitutional reforms in the June 2 election.
The coalition led by MORENA secured a two-thirds supermajority in the lower house but fell just short in the Senate, although analysts believe those extra votes can likely be secured through negotiation.
While the newly elected Congress will take office at the beginning of September, Sheinbaum will not be inaugurated until a month later, which could give Lopez Obrador and lawmakers a window to try to enact the reforms.
“In the case of the judicial reform, [discussion] should be through the bar association, professors of law, the ministers and magistrates themselves,” Sheinbaum said.
She added she would name her cabinet next week, and that she would receive a team sent by U.S. President Joe Biden on Tuesday.
Lopez Obrador had said earlier in the day that he would not pressure Sheinbaum to rush the package of constitutional reforms through Congress.
Mexico’s peso is now down 8% since the elections Sheinbaum and her party won in a landslide – its biggest plunge since the COVID-19 pandemic – while the country’s main stock index has fallen nearly 4%.
mexico city — Mexican President-elect Claudia Sheinbaum said Monday that she would put up for discussion proposed constitutional reforms, including a judicial overhaul that has spooked markets, before the next congressional session kicks off.
The judicial reform would replace an appointed Supreme Court with popularly elected judges, as well as for some lower courts, which critics allege would fundamentally alter the balance of power in Mexico.
Sheinbaum, speaking in a press conference following a meeting with outgoing President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, said the reform would be “among the first” that could be passed, along with some boosted social benefits.
She added she did not believe the proposed reforms would impact the peso, which tumbled following her election win earlier this month.
As Sheinbaum was speaking, however, the peso weakened by nearly 2% against the U.S. dollar in international trading.
Some of the measures are part of a slew of constitutional reforms Lopez Obrador proposed in February that would also eliminate key regulatory agencies.
At the time they did not cause market jitters, but investors sounded the alarm as the ruling coalition closed in on a congressional supermajority needed to pass constitutional reforms in the June 2 election.
The coalition led by MORENA secured a two-thirds supermajority in the lower house but fell just short in the Senate, although analysts believe those extra votes can likely be secured through negotiation.
While the newly elected Congress will take office at the beginning of September, Sheinbaum will not be inaugurated until a month later, which could give Lopez Obrador and lawmakers a window to try to enact the reforms.
“In the case of the judicial reform, [discussion] should be through the bar association, professors of law, the ministers and magistrates themselves,” Sheinbaum said.
She added she would name her cabinet next week, and that she would receive a team sent by U.S. President Joe Biden on Tuesday.
Lopez Obrador had said earlier in the day that he would not pressure Sheinbaum to rush the package of constitutional reforms through Congress.
Mexico’s peso is now down 8% since the elections Sheinbaum and her party won in a landslide – its biggest plunge since the COVID-19 pandemic – while the country’s main stock index has fallen nearly 4%.
President Vladimir Putin’s replacement of Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu with economist Andrei Belousov on May 12 was accompanied by a series of arrests and dismissals among the country’s top defense officials and generals. While there are nuances in each case, the arrest of five senior military officials in the space of a month can be described as a coordinated campaign.
At least three of the arrests are part of a purge of those close to Shoigu. The replacement of a top official in Russia is always followed by incomers leveraging corruption and seizing control of rent flows. And for more than a decade, Shoigu and his inner circle have been in charge of one of the greatest rent-seeking opportunities in Russia: state defense spending.
The amount of money allocated to defense has grown exponentially since Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, generating enormous interest in the Defense Ministry among different groups within the Russian elite. In the end, it was this interest that cost Shoigu his position—and resulted in his associates being jailed.
The first to be arrested was Deputy Defense Minister Timur Ivanov, who had previously worked with Shoigu in the Moscow region government. In the Defense Ministry, he oversaw the significant money flows linked to construction, and signed off on all construction-related tenders.
The second arrest was Yuri Kuznetsov, the head of the Defense Ministry’s personnel directorate. Previously, he was in charge of protecting classified information for the General Staff, which is a key position when it comes to controlling money flows. Restricting access to classified data means you can influence the outcomes of tenders, and shield information from prying eyes. Leaks suggest that Kuznetsov was involved in selling such access.
Although Kuznetsov was appointed to the General Staff before Shoigu became defense minister, he was gradually co-opted to Shoigu’s team. Indeed, Shoigu’s efforts to buy Kuznetsov’s loyalty were revealed in a series of absurd PR stunts (for example, the flag of Kuznetsov’s directorate being blessed by a priest in the Cathedral of the Armed Forces).
Finally, Vladimir Verteletsky, a defense ministry procurement official who was arrested at the end of May, was also a close associate of Shoigu. Verteletsky was in charge of tenders relating to digitization, and while he may appear to be small fry, he actually oversaw huge amounts of money. IT is traditionally the least transparent and most corrupt article of expenditure in Russian agencies—because it’s extremely difficult to assess the effectiveness of IT systems, or whether they even exist. This is particularly true in the highly secretive Defense Ministry.
The arrests of Ivanov, Kuznetsov, and Verteletsky have taken out of circulation three key players for Shoigu, but this doesn’t mean the Defense Ministry will become less corrupt and more effective. Rather, the purge speaks to the intention of other groups in the Russian elite to take control of Defense Ministry money flows.
On top of these three arrests, there have been two other arrests—and one dismissal that could end in a criminal prosecution—of top military officials. However, these cases differ in one important regard: the detained are generals who answered to the General Staff, not the Defense Ministry.
Lieutenant General Vadim Shamarin, deputy head of the General Staff, was arrested on May 22. A veteran soldier who had risen from the ranks, Shamarin began his career in signals—a part of the Russian military considered a sort of intellectual elite, because of the higher standards of education required. Signal troops are also often close to the top brass because they are the medium through which troops are commanded in action.
At the same time, signals have long been viewed as a serious weak point of the Russian military, and this has been obvious in Ukraine, with even Putin highlighting communications problems. As a result, the job of heading signals is seen as a poisoned chalice. For example, Shamarin’s predecessor, Khalil Arslanov, was arrested in 2020 on fraud charges. The case against Shamarin himself appears to have been prepared long ago, and dusted off by the Federal Security Service (FSB) when it was required.
The other general arrested at the same time as Shamarin was Ivan Popov, the former commander of Russia’s 58th army who shot to fame in 2023, when his frank criticism of military commanders was leaked. Popov is a rare example of a military leader promoted for his success in action. He was in charge of a platoon in the Second Chechen War, took part in the war with Georgia in 2008, and, after the annexation of Crimea in 2014, was sent to the peninsula to manage the Black Sea Fleet’s land forces and purge the Ukrainian military in Sevastopol.
It appears that Popov has risen through the ranks without the personal protection of Valery Gerasimov, the head of the General Staff, and likely believed he had more leeway than most of his peers. However, it’s the role of FSB military counterintelligence to limit the influence of popular generals. It’s likely the FSB held off arresting Popov after his leaked outburst because it came hard on the heels of mercenary leader Yevgeny Prigozhin’s revolt in June 2023. Instead, they waited for the purge at the Defense Ministry.
Finally, Lieutenant General Sukhrab Akhmedov, commander of the 20th Combined Arms Army (the biggest military unit deployed to Ukraine) was removed from his post. Unlike Popov, Akhmedov has been bitterly criticized by pro-war commentators for his incompetence, and the news of his dismissal was interpreted by some as an effort to save troop lives in Ukraine.
The targeting of Popov, Shamarin, and Akhmedov amounts to a bid to improve the manageability of the army, and ensure the loyalty of its officers. Shamarin and Akhmedov had long been a source of irritation for their inability to resolve chronic problems. And Popov was arrested to show a certain type of officer that too much ambition can end in disaster.
The sheer number of arrests and dismissals of military officials in such a short space of time suggests it was Putin himself who gave the green light. Putin is known for his tendency to replace top officials in batches—except this process usually unfolds without criminal prosecutions. However, this time the FSB’s overeager military counterintelligence appears to have persuaded Putin to opt for a mixture of reshuffle and repression.
In the final analysis, the removal of both unsuccessful frontline generals and Shoigu’s rent managers in the Defense Ministry is supposed to further one goal: raising the effectiveness of the Russian war machine ahead of a new offensive in Ukraine.
YEREVAN (Azatutyun.am)—Amid continuing antigovernment protests in Yerevan, the Armenian opposition moved on Monday to force an emergency parliament debate on its demands for the resignation of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and his cabinet.
The opposition Hayastan and Pativ Unem alliances petitioned the leadership of the National Assembly to convene such a session as protesters led by Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan occupied a section of the city’s Marshal Bagramian Avenue adjacent to the parliament building. They set up a tent camp there early in the morning after security forces prevented them from marching through another street located closer to the building.
The opposition lawmakers want the parliament to debate and approve by June 17 a resolution saying that Pashinyan’s government must quit because it “has failed the defense, security and territorial integrity” of Armenia, left the country’s sovereignty “under immediate threat” and must be replaced by experienced professionals trusted by the public. Hayastan’s Artsvik Minasyan stressed that the proposed measure is not a vote of no confidence in the government which was demanded by Galstanyan at the start of his month-long campaign for regime change.
The parliament leadership dominated by pro-government lawmakers rejected the initiative later in the day. Speaker Alen Simonian insisted that Pashinyan and his political team still enjoy popular backing.
The parliamentary statutes stipulate that an emergency session must take place if it is demanded by at least 27 members of the 107-seat legislature. Hayastan and Pativ Unem collected 33 signatures in support of the debate, meaning that it has to be scheduled for June 17 at the latest.
However, the parliamentary majority can scuttle the debate by boycotting it and preventing the National Assembly from making a quorum. Hayk Konjoryan, the parliamentary leader of Pashinyan’s Civil Contract party, made clear that he and his pro-government colleagues will do just that.
Opposition lawmakers said that despite the parliamentary majority’s stance they hope to succeed in forcing the debate.
“Many things will happen before June 17,” said Hayk Mamijanin, the Pativ Unem leader.
For his part, Minasyan said Armenians should take to the streets in large numbers in order to force the ruling majority to obey “the will of the people.”
“It’s important that the people’s demand be so powerful that they show up for that session,” he told protesters camped out on Marshal Bagramian Avenue.
Galstanyan discussed his further actions with these and other opposition leaders who reaffirmed support for his protest movement. The outspoken cleric announced afterwards that the street sit-in will continue and culminate in a major rally in the same location on Wednesday. It will be an “extremely important day,” he said, urging supporters to turn out in force.
“With our presence here on June 12, we can change a lot in our life,” the protest leader added without elaborating.
The parliament is due to hold regular sittings, including a question-and-answer session with Pashinyan and government ministers, on Tuesday and Wednesday.
Thousands of protesters marched to the Armenian parliament late on Sunday as Galstanyan tried to step up his month-long campaign for Pashinyan’s resignation.
Riot police did not allow them to get close to the parliament building from Marshal Bagramian Avenue, sparking bitter verbal exchanges between Galstanyan and senior police officers at the scene. Although the tensions eased afterwards, the standoff continued, with the protest leader and most of the demonstrators trying to approach the building from another direction shortly after midnight. There too they were stopped by lines of police officers.
Several opposition parliamentarians accompanying Galstanyan also failed to get through the police cordon. Some of them argued and jostled with security forces, accusing the latter of illegally denying them entry to their parliamentary offices. Security forces reluctantly allowed them to enter the building an hour later. At least three other protesters were reportedly detained on the spot during the brief scuffle.
“We will stand here as long as necessary,” Galstanyan said after condemning the “illegal” police actions.
The protesters did not disperse despite heavy rain that began at around 2 a.m. local time. Many of them spent the night on Marshal Bagramian Avenue, with organizers of the action pitching tents there. They remained camped out on the street on Monday morning.
The protesters began the march from the city’s central Republic Square where Galstanyan held another massive rally earlier on Sunday. Addressing supporters rallying there, he announced a “decisive” four-day push for a parliamentary vote of no confidence in Pashinyan’s government.
The outspoken archbishop backed by the Armenian opposition demanded that the pro-government leadership of the parliament convene an emergency session for that purpose on Tuesday. He said the ruling Civil Contract party, which controls the National Assembly, must “obey the will of the people.”
“With our presence, we will not allow them to make yet another anti-state mistake,” he said.
“I want to be sure that this crowd standing here commits to enduring various difficulties for the next four days with persistent efforts, an unwavering will and a conviction that we are just few steps away from victory,” added Galstanyan.
While insisting on Pashinyan’s resignation and the formation of an interim government, Galstanyan made clear that he is also open to discussing other “possible variants of political solutions.” Speaking to reporters during the ensuing march to the parliament, he did not deny that snap elections are one such solution. He did not comment further.
The Manhattan “Tsiran” chapter of the Armenian Relief Society was established in 2023, with the aim to fundraise for various projects in Armenia. The ARS has been instrumental in providing essential relief efforts in the homeland. The ARS Tsiran chapter aims to foster community engagement through events highlighting Armenian food, art, music, and dance, celebrating the vibrant cultural heritage.
In March, the ARS Tsiran organized its inaugural event—a sold-out Armenian folk dance workshop at St. Illuminator’s Armenian Church, drawing over 100 attendees with an additional 50 on the waitlist. The event raised over $6,000 and featured live music by an Armenian band and teaching participants five traditional dances: Laz Bar, Sepo, Bijo, Papouri, and the Haleh, reflecting the unique style of the American-Armenian community on the East Coast.
On June 2, the ARS Tsiran delved into Armenian cuisine with a two-part fundraising series, partnering with renowned content creator and chef Pierce Abernathy for a manti-making workshop once again at St. Illuminators. With over half a million Instagram followers and recognition from prestigious publications such as The New York Times and Financial Times, Abernathy’s dedication to Armenian cuisine, inspired by his great-aunt’s cookbook “Please Pass the Pilaf,” attracted a sold-out crowd within a day of ticket sales and a waitlist of over 75 people. Attendees learned to prepare vegetarian and lamb manti, indulged in Armenian string cheese and baklava, and sampled wine from Karas, sponsored by Remedy Liquors. The event raised over $8,000.
Chef Pierce Abernathy making manti with a workshop participant. Photo Credit: Ketan Awasthi
Chef Pierce Abernathy preparing dough. Photo Credit: Ketan Awasthi
“I didn’t grow up with a deep connection to my Armenian roots. I visited my dad’s family a few times a year and my grandmother would make pilaf, dolma, and Armenian string beans,” says Pierce. “We’d speak about her parents and how they immigrated here from Armenia during the genocide, the Armenian church she went to every Sunday, and the closeness of the little diaspora in Richmond, Virginia. It was only until I grew older and started to cook when I became more interested. I learned my great-aunt wrote an Armenian cookbook in the 70s and it soon became one of my most cherished possessions.”
“Being Armenian isn’t a one-size-fits-all approach so our events are an opportunity to foster appreciation for our culture through educational vignettes in art, music, dance and cuisine. The feedback in tandem with new faces and friendships we’re forging has been incredible and we’re only getting started,” said Taleen Setrakian and Lara Bogossian who led the manti workshop concept.
Chef Pierce Abernathy with workshop participants. Photo Credit: Ketan Awasthi
Continuing the culinary journey, on June 6, Tsiran and Pierce hosted a pop-up lahmajun restaurant at Leo in Brooklyn. For one evening only, Pierce and his team prepared fresh vegetarian and lamb lahmajuns, with proceeds benefiting the ARS Tsiran’s initiatives.
For more information on ARS, please visit the website. To join ARS Tsiran, please visit the website and follow their Instagram page.
After being recalled to Moscow last month, Russia’s Ambassador to Armenia, Sergei Kopyrkin, returned to his post in Yerevan on Monday.
The Russian foreign ministry recalled Kopyrkin from Yerevan on May 24 after Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan publicly claimed that two member-states of the Russia-led Collective Security Treaty Organization were overtly supporting Azerbaijan during the 2020 Artsakh War. From Pashinyan’s statements at the time, it could be inferred that he was referring to Russia and Belarus.
Galuzin, on Thursday, told reporters that Kopyrkin would return to his post, adding that the recall “for consultations” was a routine diplomatic step taken by various countries.
“There is no issue of breaking ties with Yerevan,” Galuzin said last week. “Calling the ambassador from a post for consultations is a common diplomatic practice.”
Galuzin also categorically rejected that relations between Yerevan and Moscow had declined. “There is absolutely no such thing,” he said last week.
Russia’s deputy foreign minister was more critical of Yerevan’s recent advancement of relations with the West, telling the Tass news agency that the Armenian government’s decision to distance itself from the CSTO had adversely impacted plans to create a security zone in the region.
Galuzin told Tass last week that Yerevan’s “thoughtless steps” may make the joint efforts of Moscow and the CSTO to create a single defense system impossible, blaming Yerevan for advancing relations with the West.
“Yerevan is taking advantage of the current situation when the West is showing great interest in strengthening cooperation, including in the security sector,” Galuzin said in the interview.
“However, thoughtless decisions that will provide Westerners with full access to national databases, sensitive information for the country’s security, not only threaten the sovereignty of the state, but may also make it objectively impossible to return to the joint efforts of Russia and other CSTO allies toward building a single defense area,” Galuzin emphasized, warning Armenia against leaving the Russia-led security bloc.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan announced earlier this spring that Armenia would freeze its members to the CSTO. Armenia’s foreign and defense ministers have opted to not attend recent ministerial summits of the organization.