Month: May 2024

On May 1, the European Commission’s Director General for Neighborhood and Enlargement Negotiations, Gert Jan Koopman, arrived in Georgia. He has already met with the President of Georgia, Salome Zurabishvili.

During his two-day visit, Director General Koopman is scheduled to meet with Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, Minister of Economy and Vice Prime Minister Levan Davitashvili, Foreign Minister Ilia Darchiashvili, Speaker of Parliament Shalva Papuashvili, representatives of various political parties, civil society organizations and the investment community.

Meeting with the President

The European Commission’s Director General for Neighborhood and Enlargement Negotiations, Gert Jan Koopman, and the President of Georgia, Salome Zurabishvili, held a meeting to discuss the situation in the country midst the ongoing developments around the Foreign Agents Law and noted that the visit comes at a crucial time for Georgia’s European integration.

According to the press release of the President’s Administration, the President emphasized to Director General Koopman that the EU’s granting of candidate status to Georgia has given great impetus and hope to Georgians who are now defending their European future and need the help of European friends and partners. “It is clear that Russia is using all means to stop Georgia’s progress towards Europe,” – the President emphasized.

The President underlined the crucial importance of the October elections and spoke about the importance of holding the elections in a stable and peaceful environment, as “the Georgian people should once again choose the European future of Georgia”. She also spoke about the importance of the “Unity Platform for Europe“, which is a place for political parties to come together and draw up a concrete joint plan on the reforms to be implemented after the elections for EU integration.

The discussions also focused on the Russia’s war in Ukraine, the situation in the region and in the occupied territories of Georgia.

Gert Jan Koopman expressed the EU’s “extreme concern” about current events in Georgia and the government’s decisions. According to the press release, the Director General stressed that “the adoption of the law “On Transparency of Foreign Influence” is a great threat to Georgia’s European integration and will undoubtedly hinder this process. According to him, in June the European Union will discuss a new stage of expansion, and therefore it is extremely important for the Georgian government to become constructive and not to damage the country’s European integration process”.

More to follow…

Georgian television showed commotion in the chamber. One pro-government deputy was seen throwing a book at opposition legislators, while others shouted and physically confronted opponents. The foreign agent bill has prompted an upsurge of violence in Georgia’s often-rowdy parliament.

Georgian security forces used water cannon, tear gas and stun grenades against protesters outside parliament late on Tuesday, sharply escalating the crackdown after lawmakers debated the “foreign agents” bill viewed by the opposition and Western nations as authoritarian and Russian-inspired.

During the protests in Tbilisi Tuesday, police detained 63 people and six police officers were injured, Deputy Interior Minister Aleksandre Darakhvelidze said.

Levan Khabeishvili, leader of the United National Movement party, Georgia’s largest opposition bloc, spoke in parliament on Wednesday with his face heavily bandaged. His party said he was badly beaten by police at the protest, leaving him with concussion, broken facial bones, and missing four teeth.

European Union foreign policy chief Josep Borrell wrote in a post on X on Wednesday: “I strongly condemn the violence against protesters in Georgia who were peacefully demonstrating against the law on foreign influence.”

The EU, which gave Georgia candidate status in December, has said the bill could derail Tbilisi’s hopes of European integration if passed.

Supporters of the bill, including Bidzina Ivanishvili, the billionaire founder of the ruling Georgian Dream party and former prime minister, say the foreign agent law would bolster national sovereignty amid what he said were Western attempts to lead Georgia into a confrontation with Russia.

Reuters:  Rival Palestinian groups Hamas and Fatah have expressed the will to seek reconciliation through dialogue at unity talks in Beijing, China’s foreign ministry said on Tuesday.

The two factions have not managed to heal political disputes since Hamas fighters expelled Fatah from the Gaza Strip in a short…

Armenian and Azerbaijani enclaves

“If Bashkend is given to the Armenians, it’s the end for us. We make our living here, and these places will no longer be safe,” says 53-year-old Vali (last name not provided), a resident of the village of Shynykh in the Gedabek district. He engages in animal husbandry in neighboring Bashkend. He explains that since Bashkend, which Armenia considers its enclave, came under Azerbaijani control, he has been supporting his family by raising livestock there.

“I’m not alone in this; people from surrounding villages do the same. We keep animals here. None of us have jobs. Unemployment is everywhere. We raise sheep, then sell them, buy feed for the animals, and live off the proceeds. With such difficulties and hardships, we earn our bread. If this village is gone, we’ll be forced to take our families and leave,” Vali says.

Bashkend as a pasture

Several military checkpoints are set up at the entrance to the village of Bashkend. While local residents are not strictly checked upon entry and exit, there seems to be some level of control. According to locals, these checkpoints usually scrutinize “outsiders” – people not from nearby villages.

I wasn’t checked either, as I was taken for a local thanks to my guide from the nearest village. Additionally, there is constant surveillance from a distance, with military vehicles frequently passing by.

All the houses in the village are deserted, with most of them falling into disrepair due to neglect.

There aren’t many people around. Right now, you can only see residents from nearby villages like Vali, who are either herding cattle to pasture or cultivating the land.

“If they give Bashkend to the Armenians, it’s the end for us,” says Vali, a resident of the neighboring village of Shynykh. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

Vali says that because the neighboring villages are situated below Armenian military posts, the residents of these settlements cannot cultivate the land or keep livestock there. The geographical position of Bashkend is safer, so they manage their farms here instead of in their own village.

“Moreover, the soil in Bashkend is more suitable for grazing livestock and agriculture,” says Vali.

Both sides’ positions: enclaves must be returned

As a result of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020 and the anti-terrorism operation conducted by the armed forces of Azerbaijan in September 2023, the territory of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast and seven adjacent districts, which had been under Armenian control for over 30 years, returned to Azerbaijani control. However, the only unresolved issue regarding territorial disputes between Azerbaijan and Armenia is enclaves.

Azerbaijan has eight enclave villages on the territory of Armenia – Yukhari Askipara, Ashaghi Askipara, Barkhudarli, Sofulu, Baghanis Ayrim, Gizilhajili, and Khairimli of the Gazakh region, as well as the village of Karki in the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic. The first four of them are considered non-enclave villages by the Azerbaijani side because these villages are located on territory adjacent to Azerbaijan, on the border with Armenia. The rest are completely surrounded by Armenian territory.

In Armenia, there are 8 Azerbaijani enclaves, while in Azerbaijan, there is one Armenian enclave – Bashkend

Armenia has one enclave in the territory of Azerbaijan – Bashkend (Armenians call this village Artsvashen).

The Azerbaijani side strongly demands the return of its villages, which it considers enclaves and non-enclaves.

“There are enclave and non-enclave villages there. Those villages that are not enclaves, these four villages must be unconditionally returned to Azerbaijan. As for those villages that are enclaves, since the Armenian enclave village is also located on the territory of Azerbaijan – a separate expert group should be created for these villages, and discussions should be started.

We believe that all enclaves must be returned. Conditions should be provided on the roads leading to these enclaves, and the people living there should be accommodated in these enclaves,” said president of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev at a meeting with journalists in January this year.

Just recently, on April 19, at the 8th meeting of state commissions on the delimitation of the state border between Azerbaijan and Armenia, an agreement was reached on the return of four Azerbaijani villages – Baghanis Ayrim, Ashagi Askipara, Kheyrimli, and Gizilhajili.

Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan, speaking about enclaves some time ago, said: “Our logic is as follows: an enclave should be replaced by an enclave. What is under their control remains under their control. What we control remains with us.”

But recently, he expressed a completely different opinion.

During a meeting with residents of border villages of Armenia with Azerbaijan, Pashinyan, in response to a question, stated that “Artsvashen is part of the independent Republic of Armenia.”

He then added:

“Our goal is for you to say, ‘Azerbaijan is 50 meters away’ not with concern, but to say, ‘How good that Azerbaijan is 50 meters away, we will engage in trade there, build the economy.’ A checkpoint can be built through which cars will pass and pay for it to the Republic of Armenia.”

Bashkend is located in the Gadabay district of Azerbaijan. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

“If we hadn’t taken Bashkend, we could have lost the entire Shynykh region”

Saleh Rustamli, who headed the executive authority of the Gadabay district at the time of the “Bashkend operation,” says that initially they negotiated with representatives of the village and tried to reach an agreement.

Saleh Rustamli, former head of the executive authority of the Gadabay district. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

Photo from the time of the Bashkend operation. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

“The chairman of the village council and the executive head of the Krasnoselsky (Chambarak) district arrived with their representatives. There were also military personnel from both our side and theirs. We agreed not to obstruct each other’s movements, as spring was beginning, and it was time for sowing. Indeed, this continued for some time. People went to the fields, cultivated the land, and sowed.

But after some time, clashes began. The first casualties were from our side. It was in 1991. Six postal workers were killed on their way home from work, and their bodies were then burned.

Armenians in the village started arming themselves. Then our scouts brought information that they were preparing for an attack. We also began to build up military strength and fortifications in this area. The scouts’ information turned out to be correct. On the night of August 5, 1992, they attacked and seized two of our villages. Apparently, they wanted to open a corridor for themselves and connect Bashkend to Armenia.

But the Armenians were stopped in the village of Gasimalilar, we pushed them back and took Bashkend. Shynykh was completely besieged, and if we hadn’t taken Bashkend, we could have lost the entire Shynykh region,” Saleh Rustamli says about the “Bashkend operation.”

Why is Bashkend deserted?

After the “Bashkend operation,” the Armenian population left the village. Since then, the settlement has been completely abandoned.

“Neither then nor later was there any settlement there. This shows that we did not take the village with the aim of occupation. It was necessary for security. We don’t need anything foreign, and we adhere to international law,” says Saleh Rustamli.

Natig Jafarli, one of the leaders of the Republican Alternative Party (ReAl), says that there are two reasons why no one was resettled in Bashkend.

Natig Jafarli, one of the leaders of the Republican Alternative Party. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

“One of them is a legal reason. Armenia could claim that it’s their territory, and would demand a compensation for it.

There are other economic and social constraints. Are there any well-developed settlements on the remaining 80 percent of Azerbaijan’s territory that is not under occupation? This is why people have been moving to Baku for over 30 years.

If there were normal economic and social policies in place, there wouldn’t be this influx to Baku. Building social infrastructure and creating economic opportunities in Bashkend is not such an easy task. Due to natural conditions,” says Jafarli.

“Referendum needed for enclave exchange”

According to Natig Jafarli, both countries need to hold a referendum for mutual exchange of enclaves.

“I don’t think Azerbaijan would agree to return Bashkend to the Armenian side, which is more than 30 kilometers away from the Armenian territory. Because it would cause additional problems in the future. Even leaving aside the additional issues, logistically, movement between Armenia and this village could cause a lot of difficulties.

If this issue is to be resolved within the framework of territorial exchange, which is quite possible, it cannot be implemented without constitutional reform. Because both the Azerbaijani constitution and the Armenian constitution imply the possibility of territorial change only through a referendum. Therefore, I think this is a question that can be addressed at the very end,” says Jafarli.

“The remaining four villages and Bashkend can be exchanged”

Bashkend is surrounded by Azerbaijani villages from all four sides. In this scenario, even if Azerbaijan hands over this settlement to the Armenian side, it’s unclear how the lives of people can be settled here. For this reason, according to Natig Jafarli, this is not a very convincing scenario.

Surrounded by Azerbaijani villages from all four sides, Bashkend. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

The residents of neighboring villages cannot conduct agriculture on their territory due to the unfavorable geographical location. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

The residents of nearby villages do not want Bashkend to be returned to Armenia. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

“How can you imagine Armenian police, army, and officials casually passing through Azerbaijani territory for about 30 kilometers, heading towards Bashkend, as if nothing happened? Frankly, it sounds unconvincing.

The same goes for Azerbaijani villages inside Armenia. Yes, they are close to our border, about 5-15 kilometers away. But in any case, we would have to travel through these 5-15 kilometers through Armenia and provide residents with food, banking services, communication services, gas, electricity, and water. This seems very difficult or even impossible,” says Natig Jafarli.

At the initial stage, it’s only about the return of four villages, which the Azerbaijani side calls “non-enclave,” believes Elkhan Shahinoglu, the head of the Atlas Research Center. At the next stage, the question regarding the remaining four Azerbaijani villages and the Armenian village of Bashkend could be resolved through a territorial exchange between the parties.

Political analyst Elkhan Shahinoglu. Photo: Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

“Even if the other four villages we demand are returned to us, it will be problematic for Azerbaijanis to live there. Because we will have to travel back and forth through Armenia. Similarly, even if hypothetically Bashkend is handed over to Armenia, Armenians will have to travel through Azerbaijan. Therefore, in the future, the solution to this issue may be through a territorial exchange, I believe,” says Elkhan Shahinoglu.

“The return of the four villages will expedite the signing of a framework agreement”

There has often been an opinion that recent military incidents on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border are also related to the inability to reach an agreement on enclaves. Society is discussing the possibility of new large-scale military operations based on this.

The lake in the village of Bashkend. Photo by Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

Elkhan Shahinoglu doesn’t believe that a major war will occur.

“You see what’s happening in the region. The war between Russia and Ukraine in the north, tension between Israel and Iran in the south could escalate into a war. The South Caucasus needs peace and stability. Azerbaijan is prepared for this. But Azerbaijan’s main condition is to sign a peace or framework agreement in exchange for Armenia’s recognition of Azerbaijan’s territorial integrity.

I believe that even Pashinyan is internally prepared for this. He’s just hesitating a bit, afraid of local radicals. He also understands that Armenia won’t have a happy future without normalizing relations with Azerbaijan and Turkey. Preparation for this is underway.

He’s already keeping a distance in relations with Russia. Although America and the European Union support Pashinyan, they don’t want a conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan.”

The political analyst disagrees with the common opinion among his colleagues that the US and Europe want war in the region:

“On the contrary, Western countries, except for France, need calmness here. So, I don’t think there will be a major war.

After the return of the four villages, the signing of a framework agreement will accelerate. We need peace and cooperation. I think this is beneficial for Armenia too.“

“Everyone who hears about Armenians won’t come here”

The road from Bashkend to the village of Dyuzrasullu is almost empty. Nothing disturbs the silence here, except for the occasional noise of passing cars.

I notice an elderly woman walking along the side of the road. I approach her and strike up a conversation.

Taliya Mammadova, a resident of the village of Dyuzrasullu, once worked as a nurse at a medical center in Bashkend. She says she still remembers the wounded soldiers whose lives she tried to save during the “Bashkend operation.” That’s why she doesn’t want Bashkend to be handed over to the Armenian side. She fears that all these events will repeat themselves:

Taliya Mammadova worked as a nurse at a medical center in Bashkend in the early 1990s. Photo by Fatima Movlamli/JAMnews

“During the war, when Bashkend was under Armenian control, we faced great persecution. The entire community found various ways to transport their sick to Tovuz and Shamkir. They shelled the surrounding areas from Bashkend. If Armenians return here, nothing good will come of it. They will resort to provocations again. This place connects Shynykh and Ganja. Shall we let the Armenians stand in the middle again? To torment our children again?

I am 65 years old, soon we will be gone, and generations that come after us will live here. If that’s the case, then grandchildren and great-grandchildren may not come to this village out of fear. Everyone who hears about Armenians will not come here.”

Armenian and Azerbaijani enclaves

With the support of “Medianetwork”

Demarcation between Armenia and Azerbaijan

Armenia and Azerbaijan have initiated the process of delimitation and demarcation — defining the exact border between the two countries and establishing the dividing line. The first border markers have already appeared on the northern border of Armenia.

Armenian prime minister Nikol Pashinyan began preparing the country’s population for further territorial concessions approximately a month before this.

According to the agreement reached by the delimitation commissions of the two countries on April 19, the clarification of the border started with “specific sections” of the Tavush region. At this point, it involves the transfer of four non-enclave villages to Azerbaijan, which had been under Armenian control since the early 1990s.

Residents of nearby Armenian settlements strongly oppose such a development. The issue is that their homes, orchards, and pastures will be in close proximity to Azerbaijani military positions. Additionally, Armenia will have to use an alternative road for communication with Georgia.

• Is Armenia making unilateral concessions? Yerevan and Baku agree on border delimitation
• “The border demarcation process with Azerbaijan is an adventure.” Opinion from Yerevan
• Why did Baku and Moscow recall the trilateral statement with Yerevan? Opinion

Which territories will Armenia lose?

It became clear that Armenia and Azerbaijan are on the verge of making important decisions after prime minister Nikol Pashinyan’s visit to the border villages of the Tavush region back in March. The head of the Armenian government met with residents of Voskepar and Kirants. He reported that it may be necessary to cede to Azerbaijan the villages of Gizil Hajili, Kheyrimli, Ashaghy Askipara, and Baghanis Ayrum.

The Armenian prime minister stated that these are Azerbaijani settlements that came under Armenia’s control as a result of the fighting in the 1990s. Currently, nobody lives there, only the remains and ruins of houses are left.

Azerbaijani houses. Photo: Arman Gharajyan/JAMnews

In his statement, Pashinyan warned that if Armenia refused to initiate the demarcation process and return these villages, Azerbaijan would start a new war:

“If we refuse, it means that a war will start at the end of the week. And I know what will happen at the end of this war. Then, when we meet somewhere at Republic Square [the main square of Yerevan], you will tell me: ‘We are just simple peasants, we didn’t have information, but you knew everything.’”

This statement by Pashinyan sparked outrage within the country. It became clear that over three years after the 2020 war, Armenia had not restored its defensive capabilities. The country’s authorities are ready to make painful concessions to avoid new hostilities at any cost.

The recent events shed light on Azerbaijan’s ambitions and its intention to achieve maximum gains without any compromises, obtaining everything possible.

Subsequently, the commissions of the two countries on demarcation officially announced the decision announced by Pashinyan.

For the first time, the conflicting parties agreed on how part of the border between the countries would be delineated. As the Armenian prime minister said, for the first time, “Armenia and Azerbaijan have resolved the issue at the negotiating table.”

“The Republic of Armenia in this process receives a reduction in the risks associated with border demarcation and security,” said the Armenian prime minister’s office. However, this statement does not inspire trust among local residents.

Immediately after the announcement of the commissions’ decision on demarcation, they began protests and blocked the highway connecting Armenia with Georgia. They were joined by activists from Yerevan, as well as some opposition deputies.

Residents of Tavush blocking the road. Photo by Armeniatoday

The demand of the protesters is to abandon the intention to hand over the four villages. People are concerned that if the border changes, their homes will be just a few dozen meters away from Azerbaijani military positions. They say they don’t want to live “under the sights of Azerbaijani soldiers.”

Officials in the prime minister’s office are trying to explain to the protesters that Baku has agreed to delimitation according to the Alma-Ata Declaration of 1991. This means that Azerbaijan is ready to recognize Armenia’s borders as they were during the Soviet era.

Resident of the border village Voskepar. Photo: Arman Gharajyan/JAMnews

Moreover, authorities claim that out of the four villages Yerevan plans to hand over to Azerbaijan, only two and a half are under Armenia’s factual control. The rest of the territories are de facto controlled by Azerbaijan.

Small territories, but significant problems

At first glance, it may seem that the territories of the four uninhabited villages are a negligible price for peace. And the head of the Armenian government states that this is indeed Azerbaijani land.

However, the loss of these villages entails certain problems for Armenia. Firstly, it will lead to a change in the positioning of the military positions of the two countries. Armenia will lose more advantageous positions. And this could play an important role in the advancement of Azerbaijani armed forces into Armenia in the event of continued conflict. The authorities of Armenia themselves acknowledge the possibility of such a scenario.

The territory where the demarcation of the border takes place. Photo by Arman Gharajyan/JAMnews

“Demarcation also does not guarantee security; however, refraining from starting the process guarantees the continued increase in security threats. The primary goal is to neutralize this guaranteed negative scenario,” stated Pashinyan.

The shifting of military positions will also put vulnerable Armenian settlements, such as Voskepar and Kirants, directly in the line of fire. Currently, the homes of civilians are several kilometers away from Azerbaijani military positions, but after the border changes, this distance will shrink to just a few dozen meters.

However, the main argument against concessions is the loss of connectivity with Georgia. The disputed villages sit along the route connecting Armenia to Georgia in several places. To ensure the functionality of this highway, authorities would need to build bypass roads, which is quite problematic given the local mountainous terrain.

What do the villagers say?

Immediately after Nikol Pashinyan’s visit to Voskepar and Kirants, information appeared in Armenian media and Telegram channels that the local residents coldly received the prime minister. Pashinyan’s visit to Voskepar seemed to herald impending problems, stirring up people and sowing concern. After his departure, men with grim and pensive faces gathered every day in the village center to talk to each other and figure out what to do next.

The residents of Voskepar disagree with the decision of the Armenian authorities. Photo by Arman Gharajyan/JAMnews

They stated that they disagreed with such a turn of events even before the decision of the delimitation commissions.

“The authorities are trying to present the situation as if these territories were intended to be transferred to Azerbaijan by former president Kocharyan. What anyone wanted to do before is not important to us at all. Now this is the problem of our village and the whole of Armenia. If this does happen, the men living here will stay in the village. But not our children. In 20 years, the village will cease to exist,” says Voskepar resident Karen Papyan.

He is convinced that Armenia should not make further territorial concessions to Azerbaijan, despite the threat of starting a new war, as prime minister Pashinyan warned them:

“If the Azerbaijanis settle these territories, it will be absolutely pointless for us to stay here. Therefore, we must stand our ground to the end. If Pashinyan has decided to give something away to Azerbaijan, let him and his deputies gather and go surrender to Azerbaijan.”

Another Voskepar resident, Serge Hakobyan, prefers not to talk about the details of the meeting with the prime minister:

“If they came to ask for our opinion, then we all have the same one. We don’t want to give anything away. We also have territories that are currently under Azerbaijan’s control. Let them exchange.”

The village of Voskepar in the Tavush region of Armenia. Photo by Arman Gharajyan/JAMnews

The villagers have witnessed several wars. Many of them or their sons have been participants in combat operations. Despite the horrors of war, they say that even now they are ready to take up arms and, together with the army, defend the right to the existence of their village.

What will Armenia get?

The mere fact of losing territories and control over the inter-state highway irritates the entire population of Armenia. Judging by the statements of the ruling team, it becomes clear: there are no guarantees that Armenia will receive a stable border and peace with Azerbaijan after the concessions. Prime minister Pashinyan himself stated this:

“Does demarcation on this section [in the Tavush region] guarantee Armenia’s security? It does not. […] Demarcation in Tavush does not guarantee that Azerbaijan will agree, within the framework of demarcation on other sections, to return to Armenia vital territories of over 30 Armenian villages.”

After the 44-day war in Nagorno-Karabakh, the Azerbaijani armed forces advanced several times into the sovereign territory of Armenia. The consequences of these escalations were hundreds of casualties on both sides and territorial losses for Armenia. Several months ago, the authorities of the country finally openly stated that as a result of these incursions, the country lost part of its territory and dozens of villages.

Azerbaijan positions itself as the party that only demands, while Armenia is seen as the conceding side, notes political analyst Ruben Mehrabyan. But the scenario where Yerevan, according to the principles of demarcation and delimitation, returns all territories to Baku but does not get its own back, must be excluded:

“We are talking about the territories of 31 communities where Armenia itself controls the populated areas, but part of the adjacent territories is under the control of Azerbaijan in varying proportions. At the moment, the situation is such that Azerbaijan does not recognize the existence of this problem. But it needs to be resolved in full.”

Enclaves as a continuation of Armenia’s losses

The four villages in the Tavush region are just part of the story. Azerbaijan demands their immediate return. However, after the Second Karabakh War, Azerbaijan periodically talks about the return of enclaves as well.

Azerbaijan’s deputy prime minister Shahin Mustafayev stated on March 9 that “issues related to the liberation of four enclave villages” should be resolved within the framework of the delimitation and demarcation process with Armenia.

The statement mentioned Yukhari Askipara and Karki – Armenian-inhabited villages Verin Voskepar and Tigranashen, as well as Sofulu and Barkhudarly, which are currently deserted.

In turn, Azerbaijan controls the Armenian enclave of Artsvashen. Azerbaijanis call it Bashkend.

Armenia and Azerbaijan have been actively discussing the enclave issue for several years now. During this time, various solutions to this problem have been discussed. The most acceptable option for Armenia is a territorial exchange.

However, considering the logic of the negotiation process, it can be assumed that Baku will not agree to this. Most likely, at some point, Yerevan will have to give up these four enclaves, which could lead to additional problems for Armenia.

If the country’s authorities make concessions and relinquish the four enclaves, Armenia will lose yet another interstate road. This time, the one connecting the country to Iran. For official Yerevan, all these losses will be the first ones resulting from peace negotiations.

Entry to the village of Voskepar. Photo by Arman Gharajyan/JAMnews

With the support of “Medianetwork”