Day: May 30, 2024

NPR News: 05-30-2024 7PM EDT

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Menendez has enough signatures to run as independent | Video  NJ Spotlight News

Nadine Menendez Finds New Counsel as Ex-Attorneys Withdraw Over Conflict | New York Law Journal  Law.com

HOURIE TORIKIAN
Born on November 30, 1955, Beirut, Lebanon

Hourie Torikian, beloved sister, cousin, and niece, passed away on Tuesday, May 28, 2024, after a long illness.

Funeral service details will be announced at a later date.

She is survived by her:
Sister, Kohar and Peter Karageozian and son, Hrair (Montreal)
Brother, Zaven and Hasmig Torikian and sons, Aren and Varant (Boston)
Aunt, Zvart Margossian (Beirut)
Cousins, Vanig Torikian and Teresa Morrissey
Zepur and Hagop Alexanian and children
Arsen and Sossi Margossian and children
Kevork and Garine Margossian and children
Niece, Nanor and Khachik Khacherian and children (Montreal)

And all Torikian, Margossian, Karageozian, Kutukjian, Palanjian, Morrissey, Melikian, and Ayvazian families, relatives, and friends.

In lieu of flowers, donations may be made to Hamazkayin M. & H. Arslanian Dejamaran in memory of Hourie Torikian.

YEREVAN (Azatutyun.am)—Protesters led by Archbishop Bagrat Galstanyan poured into Yerevan’s central Republic Square on Thursday to try to surround the seat of Armenia’s government during a cabinet meeting chaired by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan.

They besieged the government building located there as part of Galstanyan’s opposition-backed bid to oust Pashinyan, which was triggered by the government’s controversial territorial concessions to Azerbaijan.

The protesters blocked with their cars the streets leading to the sprawling square before occupying it. Despite making a number of arrests and impounding some of those cars, riot police failed to restore traffic through the square.

There was heavy police presence in Yerevan on May 30

The crowd stayed there for the next five hours. It did not fully surround the building heavily guarded by security forces, with government members seemingly managing to leave from a back entrance.

Pashinyan did not comment on the demonstration during the weekly cabinet session that focused on government efforts to eliminate consequences of Sunday’s severe floods in Armenia’s northern Lori and Tavush provinces. Pashinyan and his allies have dismissed the demands for his resignation, defending the handover of several disputed border areas to Azerbaijan.

Galstanyan repeatedly branded the premier a “liar and coward” during the protest which he said marked “the most miserable day in his life.”

“He has turned this building into a prison,” the outspoken archbishop told reporters. “Look at these lines of police.”

Galstanyan resumed his daily protests in the capital on Sunday. He enjoys the backing of the vast majority of Armenian opposition groups.

It emerged on Thursday that Galstanyan met the previous night with Gagik Tsarukyan, a wealthy businessman leading the opposition Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK). It was a further sign that Tsarukian approves of the protest movement despite not officially joining or endorsing it.

A spokeswoman for Tsarukyan said that the meeting focused on the tycoon’s assistance to flood victims requested by Galstanyan. The latter echoed the claim while acknowledging that they discussed political developments as well. He would not say whether the BHK leader supports his movement.

Tsarukyan’s party had the second largest group in Armenia’s former parliament but failed to win any seats in the current National Assembly elected in 2021. The tycoon was indicted and briefly arrested on corruption charges in 2020 after openly challenging Pashinyan. Last November, the Armenian authorities moved to confiscate hundreds of millions of dollars worth of assets belonging to Tsaruktan, saying that they were acquired illegally.

ANCA, HALC and IDC Urge House Foreign Affairs Committee to Allow a Vote on the Bipartisan Armenian Protection and Azerbaijan Sanctions Review Acts

WASHINGTON – Leading national organizations representing Hellenic, Armenian, and Christian Americans on Thursday called on Chairman Michael McCaul (R-TX) of the U.S. House Foreign Affairs Committee to allow his panel to consider two pending bipartisan bills – H.R.7288, the Armenian Protection Act, and H.R.8141, the Azerbaijan Sanctions Review Act, reported the Armenian National Committee of America, the Hellenic American Leadership Council and In Defense of Christians.

H.R.7288, introduced by Rep. Mike Lawler (R-NY) is the House counterpart to S.3000, introduced by Senator Gary Peters (D-MI) and passed unanimously by the Senate last year. It aims to end the U.S. military aid program to Azerbaijan.

H.R.8141, introduced by Rep. Dina Titus (D-NV) supports the application of Global Magnitsky Sanctions against Azerbaijani officials guilty of human rights abuses and war crimes.

The full text of the letter is provided below.

May 30, 2024

Hon. Michael McCaul
Chair of the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs
2300 Rayburn House Office Building
Washington, DC 20515

Dear Chairman McCaul:

In light of Azerbaijan’s ethnic cleansing of Nagorno-Karabakh (Artsakh) and ongoing aggression against the Republic of Armenia, we are writing to respectfully request the U.S. House Committee on Foreign Affairs schedule a full committee markup of H.R.7288 – the Armenian Protection Act – and H.R.8141 – the Azerbaijan Sanctions Review Act.

H.R.7288 would prohibit the president of the United States from exercising his waiver authority over Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act for 2 years, enforcing statutory prohibitions on U.S. military assistance to Azerbaijan. Its Senate companion bill – S.3000 – was introduced by Senator Gary Peters last year, and passed the Senate by unanimous consent.

H.R.8141 would require the President and the State Department to review the applicability of Global Magnitsky Act and other sanctions against Azerbaijani officials responsible for war crimes including the arbitrary detention and torture of Armenian prisoners of war, the summary execution of captives, and other human rights violations.

As you know, last year Azerbaijan imposed a 10-month blockade of the Lachin Corridor – the only road connecting the Armenian-majority region of Nagorno-Karabakh with the Republic of Armenia. Having deprived the local population of 120,000 Christian Armenians access to food, fuel, medicine, electricity, and humanitarian goods – Azerbaijan launched a military assault on the region, forcibly displacing its entire Armenian population in what legal experts have defined as ethnic cleansing. Since its military subjugation of Nagorno-Karabakh, Azerbaijan has undertaken a systematic campaign of cultural destruction – threatening the survival of the world’s oldest churches and monasteries.

In testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last year, Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Europe and Eurasia Ambassador Yuri Kim stated “the United States will not countenance any action or effort—short-term or long-term—to ethnically cleanse or commit other atrocities against the Armenian population of Nagorno-Karabakh.” Despite this, Azerbaijan has faced no material consequences for its aggression – emboldening its authoritarian regime, which currently occupies Armenian sovereignty territory and regularly resorts to the threat and use of force to impose demands on Armenia.

The United States has historically furnished Azerbaijan with security assistance out of a misplaced belief that its regime has a role to play in U.S. security interests in the region. Azerbaijan has interpreted this material support as a green-light to pursue a brutal campaign of aggression against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh for decades – threatening one of the region’s only democracies. At the same time, Azerbaijan has bolstered its energy and security ties with Russia and Iran – undermining U.S. efforts to contain the malign influence of these two regional threats, and serving as a conduit for their regimes to evade international sanctions.

It is clear that in the absence of accountability and material consequences, Azerbaijan will continue unabated in its aggression against Armenia – undermining efforts to ensure an equitable and durable peace in the region.

The United States has the tools to hold Azerbaijan accountable for its aggression. Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act was enacted into law in 1992 in response to Azerbaijan’s blockade and use of military force against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh. Successive administrations have routinely waived Section 907 of the FREEDOM Support Act under a waiver authority intended to secure Azerbaijan’s support for U.S. security interests in the region. However, in light of Azerbaijan’s aggression against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh – and its cooperation with Russia and Iran – the United States must reevaluate its military ties with Azerbaijan.

Furthermore, given the significant human rights violations perpetrated during the conflict, the United States must take action to hold individuals responsible for war crimes. The Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act authorizes the U.S. to impose sanctions on foreign officials responsible for gross human rights violations. Given Azerbaijan’s ongoing detention of dozens of Armenian prisoners of war, Nagorno-Karabakh’s civilian leadership, and countless political prisoners – sanctions represent an important mechanism for deterring the credible risk of torture and abuse in custody, and securing a pathway to their unconditional release as mandated under international law.

Enforcing prohibitions on security assistance to Azerbaijan and imposing sanctions on those responsible for war crimes would not only ensure Azerbaijan’s regime faces material consequences for its flagrant violations of international law – it would also apply pressure on Azerbaijan to end its practice of coercive diplomacy, reducing the risk of a new war in the region.

As long as Azerbaijan continues to benefit from impunity amid its ongoing aggression and occupation of sovereign Armenian territory, its regime will believe there is more to gain from aggression and war than through negotiations. Given the role the United States has taken in facilitating peace talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan, we have a responsibility to take action to constrain Azerbaijan’s aggression and ensure it comes to the negotiating table in good faith.

As such, we once again respectfully urge you to ensure an expeditious full-committee markup of H.R.7288 and H.R.8141. Amid the growing threat of authoritarian expansionism across the world today, the failure to hold Azerbaijan accountable for its assault on Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh will set a dangerous precedent and signal to U.S. rivals that the United States is only prepared to defend the principles of democracy, human rights, and rules-based order when convenient.

Thank you in advance for your consideration of this request. We look forward to your response and welcome the opportunity to meet with you to discuss further.

Sincerely,

[signed]
Aram Hamparian
Executive Director
ANCA

[signed]
Endy Zemenides
Executive Director
Hellenic American Leadership Council

[signed]
Richard Ghazal
Executive Director
In Defense of Christians

Iran’s President Raisi dead in helicopter crash, former foreign minister blames US sanctions  ABC News

Nearly 50 people associated with the Islamic State West Africa Province terror group surrendered to the Nigerian Army on May 15, highlighting a recent surge of ISWAP defections and surrenders.

Three members of the group turned themselves in to authorities in Nigeria and Cameroon over 10 days in April. Six more ISWAP members surrendered to the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) in the Lake Chad Basin around the same time.

Some analysts view the surge in ISWAP defections and surrenders as signs of the group’s faltering cohesion and operational effectiveness.

However, mass defections are unlikely to affect ISWAP as badly as similar actions hurt Jama’atu Ahlis-Sunna Lidda’Awati Wal-Jihad (JAS), according to Malik Samuel, a researcher at the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) Regional Office for West Africa, the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin. Both ISWAP and JAS are Boko Haram factions.

As Samuel noted in a recent report, JAS leader Abubakar Shekau died in 2021 during an ISWAP attack on his fortress in the Sambisa Forest in Borno State, after which thousands of JAS fighters surrendered to authorities rather than join ISWAP. ISWAP then seized JAS territories, recruited some of its fighters, expanded its own areas of operation, and increased revenue generation.

Authorities are working to persuade more people to leave the group. Officials in Borno State, for example, have encouraged defections through a model that relies heavily on rehabilitation, reconciliation and reintegration techniques.

Nigeria also runs Operation Safe Corridor, which provides secure passage for low-level, low-risk fighters willing to leave terror groups. Military pressure, disillusionment and group fracture also lead to desertions.

But ISWAP has proven resilient and is working hard to prevent desertions. Despite losing members, deaths from ISWAP attacks increased by 27% in 2023 compared to 2022, according to the ISS. The group also began claiming attacks in new areas in Edo, Jigawa, Kano, Kogi, Nasarawa, Niger, Ondo and Taraba states.

ISWAP’s largest attack outside the North East was the 2022 Kuje prison break during which more than 800 inmates escaped. The nighttime raid just outside Abuja featured loud explosions and gunfire.

“We heard shooting on my street,” a local resident told Agence France-Presse. “We thought it was armed robbers. The first explosion came after the shooting. Then a second one sounded and then a third.”

Recent ISWAP operations have featured suicide vehicle-borne improvised explosive devices (SVBIEDs) during a series of attacks on Nigerian forces and the MNJTF in February and March, according to The Jamestown Foundation.

SVBIED attacks by ISWAP in 2020 helped the group overwhelm Nigerian Army outposts in Borno State, forcing government forces to abandon rural outposts and consolidate in heavily fortified “supercamps” around larger urban centers.

To defeat ISWAP, Samuel said, authorities should reevaluate their strategies as the factors that led to mass exits from JAS may not apply to ISWAP.

“Government approaches must continue to encourage defection,” Samuel wrote. “But they should also go beyond depending on disgruntled commanders and fighters. Strategies are needed that tackle the group on various fronts, including disrupting its financing, blocking routes used for recruitment and movement, and having a clear, practical plan that those who desert ISWAP can support.”

Military efforts to contain ISWAP are ongoing.

The Nigerian Army on May 14 killed Mallam Muhammadu, the ISWAP commander in charge of producing IEDs. Muhammadu was killed during a raid on ISWAP hideouts in the Ukuba and Njimia areas of Borno State.

Muhammadu also was believed to be responsible for indoctrinating and recruiting children into suicide bombing, including three of his own children, Nigerian online newspaper Naija News reported.