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Audio Review - South Caucasus News

COAF breaks ground for new school in Armenia’s Debed


The groundbreaking ceremony for the primary school in Debed by the Children of Armenia Fund (COAF) took place on Wednesday, April 10.

The event was attended by Araksia Svajyan, Deputy Minister of Education, Science, Culture and Sports, Aram Ghazaryan, governor of Lori Province, Suren Kostandyan, Head of the extended Pambak community, and COAF’s Managing Director, Liana Ghaltaghchyan.

The construction of the school is being realized within the scope of COAF’s Rural Communities Holistic Development programs, creating the opportunity for hundreds of children and youth to receive quality education tailored to the demands of the 21st century and the best conditions for study.

COAF undertook the commitment to build a new primary school in Debed taking into account the dilapidated state and seismic risks of the existing building. The new school, the construction for which COAF is investing over $1.7 million, will result in a modern educational facility including bright and colorful classrooms, specialized laboratories, and interactive rooms that are designed not only to facilitate the acquisition of knowledge, but also to encourage the active involvement of children in the process.

In her opening remarks, COAF’s Managing director Liana Ghaltaghchyan noted that “along with the various programs and construction projects implemented in Lori Province by COAF, today marked the start of construction for the Debed School. Our goal is to support the creation of the infrastructures necessary for obtaining quality education as much as possible. I would like to highlight that, like our other projects, the construction of the Debed School goes hand in hand with training its staff. We are not only building the school’s structure, but also aim to create an environment where children and teachers will be able to discover and realize their own potential, work and learn in a setting that fosters creativity, and form broadened horizons.”

Araksia Svajyan, Deputy Minister of Education, Science, Culture, and Sports gave a welcome speech, in which she expressed “Currently, the educational system is in a period of rather extensive reforms. One of the most important programs implemented in this context is the Government’s “300 schools and 500 kindergartens” program and I think that the construction of this school comes to supplement the mentioned program. Naturally, this would not have been possible if the Children of Armenia Fund did not actively work with benefactors. Our big thanks to the foundation and to all those who want to contribute to our country, particularly in school construction and programs aimed at changes in the field of education.“

The governor of Lori province, Aram Ghazaryan emphasized the importance of establishing a new quality educational institution in Debet village, noting “”It is not for nothing that it is said that one of the important prerequisites for the development of the state is the provision of the best education, and for that, the creation of a favorable educational environment is also important. In this regard, I congratulate the residents of Lori Province, particularly of Debed, on the start of the construction of a modern school. In a short time, we will have an innovative and advanced educational structure that will help each student to discover their potential in a creative environment, to develop their abilities by receiving a quality education.”


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South Caucasus News

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South Caucasus News

‘Ukraine Today Could Be East Asia Tomorrow’: Japan PM Warned Against Russian Aggression At The White House


Japan’s Prime Minister Fumio Kishida on Wednesday warned at the White House that “Ukraine today may be East Asia tomorrow”, as he and his host President Joe Biden said they would establish stronger military ties in the face of China’s expansive claims to Taiwan and the South China Sea, TURAN’s…


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@russki845: RT by @mikenov: Глядя на то, как власти #России реагируют на наводнение в #Орске и #Оренбурге, у нас в Красноярске, да думаю и по всей Сибири, люди все больше задумываются о том, насколько было бы удобнее, если бы #Сибирь была бы самостоятельной и сама решала бы все вопросы, не ожидая решения в… x.com/i/web/status/1…



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South Caucasus News

ADB watches for inflation to ebb in Azerbaijan – Trend News Agency


ADB watches for inflation to ebb in Azerbaijan  Trend News Agency

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Audio Review - South Caucasus News

Iran: Housing Becoming Increasingly Expensive And Unobtainable – OpEd


Iran: Housing Becoming Increasingly Expensive And Unobtainable – OpEd

When Ebrahim Raisi was appointed as the Iranian regime’s president by supreme leader Ali Khamenei in August 2021, he promised: “We will build 4 million housing units!” He also promised to control inflation, including housing inflation.

According to official statistics of the regime in July 2021, the average price per square meter of housing was 309.7 million Iranian rials.  In less than three years, in February 2024, the Central Bank of the regime announced the price of each square meter of housing to be 810 million rials.

So, Raisi’s promise to control inflation seems to have resulted in a significant increase of 500 million rials in the price per square meter of housing. Currently, in the third year, there is no news of housing construction, and only one member of the Majlis (parliament) announced that “the production of 2 million units is on the agenda.” This means that there is only a mention of it on the agenda, without any concrete steps taken such as groundbreaking or actual construction.

In such circumstances, the impoverished people of Iran are increasingly facing a housing crisis every day. Those who had homes must migrate to cheaper areas and smaller, more dilapidated houses every few months. The situation is even more dire for those who were renting, as they undergo consecutive migrations. After a while, they join the ranks of millions of marginalized individuals, becoming homeless or living in inadequate housing.

Statistics confirm this grave situation. On August 27, the state-run Tosee Irani newspaper wrote that “18 to 38 million citizens are living in absolute poverty.”

Indeed, the issue of marginalization has escalated further. On October 25, 2023, Tejarat News website reported that “informal settlements in Iran are on the rise,” with “20 million people residing in inefficient structures, including informal settlements, historical areas, and deteriorated neighborhoods, as the population living below the absolute poverty line increases.”

In all official reports, there is no mention of a decrease in housing prices. Instead, charts, analyses, and projections indicate a continuing increase in housing prices. The only comparison available is the 814.4million rials per square meter price in February 2024, showing a 3.8% growth compared to the previous month (January). If we compare it to February 2022, we see a staggering 24.8% growth.

It may be surprising, but at the end of 2023, real estate experts strongly recommended to purchase property at this price of 814.4 million rials. Why so?

On March 2, Khabar Online news website quoted housing expert Mansour Gheibi as saying, “Given what the Raisi government has presented in its policies, inflation and price increases in services, goods, and properties, including housing, are inevitable,” and this inflation shows a “30% to 40% increase” for everything, including housing. “Of course, if the profiteering and exploitation system [i.e., the mafia of the ruling regime in Iran and the Revolutionary Guards] anticipates higher inflation, it is likely that this percentage will go even higher.”

In simple terms, Gheibi is saying that the policies of the Raisi government create housing inflation, which generates an expectation of further inflation. This provides an opportunity for the government mafia to further exploit the pockets of the people. It’s a two-step deception orchestrated by the Raisi government, the entire ruling regime, and the Revolutionary Guards. This is the reason behind the homelessness, inadequate housing, marginalization, and the increase in informal settlements for millions of Iranians.


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Audio Review - South Caucasus News

Myanmar: Military Forcibly Recruiting Rohingya, Says HRW


Myanmar: Military Forcibly Recruiting Rohingya, Says HRW

The Myanmar military has abducted and forcibly recruited more than 1,000 Rohingya Muslim men and boys from across Rakhine State since February 2024, Human Rights Watch said. The junta is using a conscription law that only applies to Myanmar citizens, although the Rohingya have long been denied citizenship under the 1982 Citizenship Law.

Rohingya described being picked up in nighttime raids, coerced with false promises of citizenship, and threatened with arrest, abduction, and beatings. The military has been sending Rohingya to abusive training for two weeks, then deploying them. Many have been sent to the front lines in the surging fighting between the junta and the Arakan Army armed group, which broke out in Rakhine State in November 2023, and a number have been killed and injured.

“It’s appalling to see Myanmar’s military, which has committed atrocities against the Rohingya for decades while denying them citizenship, now forcing them to fight on its behalf,” said Shayna Bauchner, Asia researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The junta should immediately end this forced recruitment and permit Rohingya unlawfully conscripted to return home.”

Human Rights Watch documented 11 cases of forced recruitment, drawing on interviews with 25 Rohingya from Sittwe, Maungdaw, Buthidaung, Pauktaw, and Kyauktaw townships in Rakhine State and in Bangladesh.

On February 10, the military activated the 2010 People’s Military Service Law, enabling the conscription of men ages 18 to 35 and women ages 18 to 27 for up to five years during the current state of emergency. The announcement followed months of increased fighting with ethnic armed groups and resistance forces.

The junta announced that conscription would start in April, with a monthly quota of 5,000, but the authorities in Rakhine State began forcibly recruiting Rohingya in early February.

In late February, the military abducted over 150 Rohingya in raids on villages in Buthidaung township, according to people interviewed, Rohingya activists, and media reports. A 22-year-old Rohingya man said that light infantry battalion soldiers abducted him and 30 other young men and boys at gunpoint at about 11 p.m. on February 25 in Buthidaung town.

“The youngest boy taken away with us was 15 years old,” he said. “There were three recruits under 18 among us. After we were apprehended and taken to the military battalion, we saw the list of Rohingya who were going to be recruited. All the Rohingya youths in the region were included.”

Further raids took place in Maungdaw township in March. A 24-year-old Rohingya man who was abducted with about two dozen others from Ka Nyin Tan village said the officers told them, “Protecting Maungdaw is upon you.”

An estimated 630,000 Rohingya remain in Rakhine State under a system of apartheid and persecution, including about 150,000 held in open-air detention camps. Since the February 2021 military coup, the junta has imposed severe movement restrictions and aid blockages on the Rohingya, increasing their vulnerability to forced recruitment.

Rohingya camp management committee members said that junta authorities have been tallying “eligible” Rohingya or compelling the committees to make lists. Two members said when they tried to refuse, junta authorities further restricted movement in the camps and threatened mass arrests and ration cuts. “We had no other option,” one committee member said.

At meetings in camps in Sittwe and Kyaukpyu, junta officials promised to issue all forced recruits pink citizenship cards, reserved for “full” citizens. “In the meetings, officers picked up their citizenship cards and told people, ‘We will give you this type of ID card if you join the military service,’” a camp management committee member in Thet Kae Pyin camp said. “People believed them.” Authorities also promised 4,800 kyat (US$2.30) a day and two sacks of rice.

About 300 Rohingya from the Sittwe camps were sent to two weeks of military training in late February. Upon completion, the military gave the forced recruits 50,000 kyats ($24) but no citizenship cards. “When the junta broke their promise to issue citizenship cards to the first 300 Rohingya recruits, people stopped believing them and started avoiding the recruitment campaigns,” a camp management committee member said. Rohingya in the Sittwe camps said that for the second round of forced recruitment, the few hundred Rohingya were taken at gunpoint in raids.

Officials have also threatened to beat Rohingya to death if they refuse to join or to punish their families if they fled.

Many young Rohingya men have tried to escape Rakhine State or gone into hiding in the jungle to escape forced recruitment. The authorities rounded up and beat about 40 Rohingya from Kyauk Ta Lone camp when their family members ran away, according to Radio Free Asia.

The 22-year-old man described the military training as a brutal two-week period under constant harassment, with trainees forced to dig bunkers and split wood, with limited food and water. “We became weak within a few days,” he said. “Some recruits fell unconscious. Three of us were bleeding from our mouths and noses. The military officers used abusive language, called us ‘kalar’ [a slur for Muslims], and degraded our mothers and sisters. Those 12 days felt like 12 years of our lives.”

He witnessed numerous groups of forcibly recruited Rohingya arriving at the cantonment. He was ultimately able to escape, the only one from his ward to do so: “Of us 31, no one else has been released to this day.”

The forcible recruitment campaign has already resulted in casualties. After their training, 100 Rohingya from the Sittwe camps were sent to fight on the front lines in Rathedaung. Five were killed in fighting and 10 were seriously injured, one of whom later died, according to family members and camp leaders. The military authorities promised the families compensation of a million kyat ($476) and two sacks of rice. The five bodies have not been returned.

While 43 forced recruits later returned to the camps, there has been no news from the remainder. “We still don’t know their whereabouts,” a camp leader said. “We don’t know if they’re still alive.”

“They tricked my son into the military,” said the mother of a man who was killed. She said:

They took him to do electrical work, then forced him into the training. Now he’s dead because he was sent to war. They didn’t let us see the bodies. I couldn’t touch my son one last time. When he was taken away, his wife and I followed. He was held at a nearby cantonment for a few hours and we were able to talk to him from outside the fence. Then they were brought to a car. That was the last talk. He was crying.

Conscription without previous legal authorization is a form of arbitrary detention in violation of international human rights law, and the treatment of those forcibly recruited may amount to cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment. The Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, which Myanmar ratified in September 2019, prohibits the forced recruitment, conscription, or use of anyone under 18 in armed conflict.

On March 18, United Nations Secretary-General António Guterres expressed his concern about “reports of forcible detention and recruitment of youths, including Rohingya, and the potential impact of forced conscription on human rights and on the social fabric of communities in Myanmar.”

“The Myanmar military’s forced recruitment of Rohingya men and boys is its latest exploitation of a community made vulnerable to abuse by design, over decades of oppression,” Bauchner said. “Concerned governments should be strengthening avenues to justice to hold junta leaders accountable for their abuses, past and present.”


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Audio Review - South Caucasus News

The Slings And Arrows Of Defending A Church In Wartime Ukraine – OpEd


The Slings And Arrows Of Defending A Church In Wartime Ukraine – OpEd

It’s probably not a good use of time responding to Twitter users such as @officejjsmart@JayinKyiv et al., but these people are simply not telling the truth. Lies and dishonesty sometimes should be confronted instead of ignored.

I’m no “pal” of Tucker Carlson. The ony time I’ve ever spoken with him was during that interview. Maybe you should watch the interview and let me know what was so problematic. As I told him clearly, “I carry no water for Putin, I am banned from Russia, I defended one of his biggest enemies.”

I’m not responsible for whatever else Carlson does or says and I certainly don’t agree with all his views, in particular his defense of Putin. Please identify one instance, ever, that I’ve defended or taken Moscow’s side. It has never happened.

I do represent Novynskyi, who is a Ukrainian citizen. The Ukrainian sanctions against him are legally deficient, flatly bogus, and serve as a cover for the theft of his assets. But that’s nothing compared to the extraordinary obliteration of his businesses in Mariupol caused by this horrific war. He’s against this war, the UOC is against this war, and I am against this war – and yet I’m constantly told by these propagandists that I’m somehow a “Russian agent.”

But what am I saying that is that much different from the UN’s statement on 8371? Or the General Synod of the Church of England? Or Forum 18? Are they all “Russian agents,” too? That’s the level of crazed conspiracy theorists we are dealing with here.

Draft law 8371 is an abomination that transgresses all standards of human rights. It’s literally indefensible, which is why they refuse to share it from the Venice Commission and aim to ram it through the legislature without anyone being able to even debate it.

I’ve never misrepresented who I am, who I represent, and what we want to achieve, and have always conducted my advocacy in full compliance with the law. It’s you guys who constantly misrepresent and make false claims, cheering on raids and arrests of journalists, cheering on dodgy expropriations, mobs breaking the jaws of priests, and failing to even make an attempt to explain why Ukraine needs draft bill 8371, why it is necessary to ban a religion with an authoritarian zeal similar to that of the Chinese crackdown of the Uighers. If that’s really your belief, convince us.

What you are failing to see is that this conduct doesn’t help Ukraine, trying to hide it by using the Russia excuse doesn’t help Ukraine. Stopping the harassment of the UOC, respecting human rights and freedom of religion, and elevating our expectations of Ukraine to be a free and democratic rule of law country even in wartime – that is what helps Ukraine, and I am all for it. Enabling lawlessness does the opposite.


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Audio Review - South Caucasus News

Did Lockdowns Set A Global Revolt In Motion? – OpEd


Did Lockdowns Set A Global Revolt In Motion? – OpEd

My first article on the coming backlash – admittedly wildly optimistic – went to print April 24, 2020. After 6 weeks of lockdown, I confidently predicted a political revolt, a movement against masks, a population-wide revulsion against the elites, a demand to reject “social distancing” and streaming-only life, plus widespread disgust at everything and everyone involved. 

I was off by four years. I wrongly assumed back then that society was still functioning and that our elites would be responsive to the obvious flop of the whole lockdown scheme. I assumed that people were smarter than they proved to be. I also did not anticipate just how devastating the effects of lockdown would be: in terms of learning loss, economic chaos, cultural shock, and the population-wide demoralization and loss of trust. 

The forces that set in motion those grim days were far more deep than I knew at the time. They involved a willing complicity from tech, media, pharma, and the administrative state at all levels of society. 

There is every evidence that it was planned to be exactly what it became; not just a foolish deployment of public health powers but a “great reset” of our lives. The newfound powers of the ruling class were not given up so easily, and it took far longer for people to shake off the trauma than I had anticipated. 

Is that backlash finally here? If so, it’s about time. 

New literature is emerging to document it all. 

The new book White Rural Rage: The Threat to American Democracy is a viciously partisan, histrionic, and gravely inaccurate account that gets nearly everything wrong but one: vast swaths of the public are fed up, not with democracy but its opposite of ruling class hegemony. The revolt is not racial and not geographically determined. It’s not even about left and right, categories that are mostly a distraction. it’s class-based in large part but more precisely about the rulers vs. the ruled. 

With more precision, new voices are emerging among people who detect a “vibe change” in the population. One is Elizabeth Nickson’s article “Strongholds Falling; Populists Seize the Culture.” She argues, quoting Bret Weinstein, that “The lessons of [C]ovid are profound. The most important lesson of Covid is that without knowing the game, we outfoxed them and their narrative collapsed…The revolution is happening all over the socials, especially in videos. And the disgust is palpable.”

A second article is “Vibe Shift” by Santiago Pliego: 

The Vibe Shift I’m talking about is the speaking of previously unspeakable truths, the noticing of previously suppressed facts. I’m talking about the give you feel when the walls of Propaganda and Bureaucracy start to move as you push; the very visible dust kicked up in the air as Experts and Fact Checkers scramble to hold on to decaying institutions; the cautious but electric rush of energy when dictatorial edifices designed to stifle innovation, enterprise, and thought are exposed or toppled. Fundamentally, the Vibe Shift is a return to—a championing of—Reality, a rejection of the bureaucratic, the cowardly, the guilt-driven; a return to greatness, courage, and joyous ambition.

We truly want to believe this is true. And this much is certainly correct: the battle lines are incredibly clear these days. The media that uncritically echo the deep-state line are known: SlateWiredRolling StoneMother Jones, New RepublicNew Yorker, and so on, to say nothing of the New York Times. What used to be politically partisan venues with certain predictable biases are now more readily described as ruling-class mouthpieces, forever instructing you precisely how to think while demonizing disagreement. 

After all, all of these venues, in addition to the obvious case of the science journals, are still defending the lockdowns and everything that followed. Rather than express regret for their bad models and immoral means of control, they have continued to insist that they did the right thing, regardless of the civilization-wide carnage everywhere in evidence, while ignoring the relationship between the policies they championed and the terrible results. 

Instead of allowing their mistakes to change their own outlook, they have adapted their own worldview to allow for snap lockdowns anytime they deem them necessary. In holding this view, they have forged a view of politics that it is embarrassingly acquiescent to the powerful. 

The liberalism that once questioned authority and demanded free speech seems extinct. This transmogrified and captured liberalism now demands compliance with authority and calls for further restrictions on free speech. Now anyone who makes a basic demand for normal freedom – to speak or choose one’s own medical treatment or to decline to wear a mask – can reliably anticipate being denounced as “right-wing” even when it makes absolutely no sense. 

The smears, cancellations, and denunciations are out of control, and so unbearably predictable. 

It’s enough to make one’s head spin. As for the pandemic protocols themselves, there have been no apologies but only more insistence that they were imposed with the best of intentions and mostly correct. The World Health Organization wants more power, and so does the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Even though the evidence of the failure of pharma pours in daily, major media venues pretend that all is well, and thereby out themselves as mouthpieces for the ruling regime. 

The issue is that major and unbearably obvious failures have never been admitted. Institutions and individuals who only double down on preposterous lies that everyone knows are lies only end up discrediting themselves. 

That’s a pretty good summary of where we are today, with vast swaths of elite culture facing an unprecedented loss of trust. Elites have chosen the lie over truth and cover-up over transparency. 

This is becoming operationalized in declining traffic for legacy media, which is shedding costly staff as fast as possible. The social media venues that cooperated closely with government during the lockdowns are losing cultural sway while uncensored ones like Elon Musk’s X are gaining attention. Disney is reeling from its partisanship, while states are passing new laws against WHO policies and interventions. 

Sometimes this whole revolt can be quite entertaining. When the CDC or WHO posts an update on X, when they allow comments, it is followed by thousands of reader comments of denunciation and poking fun, with flurries of comments to the effect of “I will not comply.”

DEI is being systematically defunded by major corporations while financial institutions are turning on it. Indeed, the culture in general has come to regard DEI as a sure indication of incompetence. Meanwhile, the outer reaches of the “great reset” such as the hope that EVs would replace internal combustion have come to naught as the EV market has collapsed, along with consumer demand for fake meat to say nothing of bug eating. 

As for politics, yes, it does seem like the backlash has empowered populist movements all over the world. We see them in the farmers’ revolt in Europe, the street protests in Brazil against a sketchy election, the widespread discontent in Canada over government policies, and even in migration trends out of US blue states toward red ones. Already, the administrative state in D.C. is working to secure itself against a possible unfriendly president in the form of Trump or RFK, Jr. 

So, yes, there are many signs of revolt. These are all very encouraging. 

What does all this mean in practice? How does this end? How precisely does a revolt take shape in an industrialized democracy? What is the mostly likely pathway for long-term social change? These are legitimate questions. 

For hundreds of years, our best political philosophers have opined that no system can function in a sustainable way in which a huge majority is coercively governed by a tiny elite with a class interest in serving themselves at public expense. 

That seems correct. In the days of the Occupy Wall Street movement of 15 years ago, the street protesters spoke of the 1 percent vs. the 99 percent. They were speaking of those with the money inside the traders’ buildings as opposed to the people on the streets and everywhere else. 

Even if that movement misidentified the full nature of the problem, the intuition into which it tapped spoke to a truth. Such a disproportionate distribution of power and wealth is dangerously unsustainable. Revolution of some sort threatens. The mystery right now is what form this takes. It’s unknown because we’ve never been here before. 

There is no real historical record of a highly developed society ostensibly living under a civilized code of law that experiences an upheaval of the type that would be required to unseat the rulers of all the commanding heights. We’ve seen political reform movements that take place from the top down but not really anything that approximates a genuine bottom-up revolution of the sort that is shaping up right now. 

We know, or think we know, how it all transpires in a tinpot dictatorship or a socialist society of the old Soviet bloc. The government loses all legitimacy, the military flips loyalties, there is a popular revolt that boils over, and the leaders of the government flee. Or they simply lose their jobs and take up new positions in civilian life. These revolutions can be violent or peaceful but the end result is the same. One regime replaces another. 

It’s hard to know how this translates to a society that is heavily modernized and seen as non-totalitarian and even existing under the rule of law, more or less. How does revolution occur in this case? How does the regime come around to adapting itself to a public revolt against governance as we know it in the US, UK, and Europe?

Yes, there is the vote, if we can trust that. But even here, there are the candidates, which are that for a reason. They specialize in politics, which does not necessarily mean doing the right thing or reflecting the aspirations of the voters behind them. They are responsive to their donors first, as we have long discovered. Public opinion can matter but there is no mechanism that guarantees a smoothly responsive pathway from popular attitudes to political outcomes. 

There is also the pathway of industrial change, a migration of resources out of legacy venues to new ones. Indeed, in the marketplace of ideas, the amplifiers of regime propaganda are failing but we also observe the response: widened censorship. What’s happening in Brazil with the full criminalization of free speech can easily happen in the US. 

In social media, were it not for Elon’s takeover of Twitter, it’s hard to know where we would be. We have no large platform in which to influence the culture more broadly. And yet the attacks on that platform and other enterprises owned by Musk are growing. This is emblematic of a much more robust upheaval taking place, one that suggests change is on the way. 

But how long does such a paradigm shift take? Thomas Kuhn’s The Structure of Scientific Revolutions is a bracing account of how one orthodoxy migrates to another not by the ebb and flow of proof and evidence but through dramatic paradigm shifts. An abundance of anomalies can wholly discredit a current praxis but that doesn’t make it go away. Ego and institutional inertia perpetuate the problem until its most prominent exponents retire and die and a new elite replaces them with different ideas. 

In this model, we can expect that a failed innovation in science, politics, or technology could last as long as 70 years before finally being displaced, which is roughly how long the Soviet experiment lasted. That’s a depressing thought. If this is true, we still have another 60 plus years of rule by the management professionals who enacted lockdowns, closures, shot mandates, population propaganda, and censorship. 

And yet, people say that history is moving faster now than in the past. If a future of freedom is ours just lying in wait, we need that future here sooner rather than later, before it is too late to do anything about it. 

The slogan became popular about ten years ago: the revolution will be decentralized with the creation of robust parallel institutions. There is no other path. The intellectual parlor game is over. This is a real-life struggle for freedom itself. It’s resist and rebuild or doom. 


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Audio Review - South Caucasus News

‘There They Go Again:’ US Stamp Prices To Rise By A Nickel – OpEd


‘There They Go Again:’ US Stamp Prices To Rise By A Nickel – OpEd

If approved by the US Postal Rate Commission, the price of a first-class stamp will go up by five cents in July. It would be the fourth stamp price increase since January 2023.

America’s state-owned, monopolistic Postal Service, which is in the process of implementing a ten-year reorganization plan to improve its operations, claims that additional revenue is needed to cover the rising costs of delivering the mail. Taxpayers and stamp buyers have heard that excuse before from an agency whose budget is deeply in the red year after year. (The Postal Service lost more than $9.2 billion last fiscal year and hopes to avoid losing $100 billion over the next decade.) 

In addition to jacking the prices of most services up considerably, according to the Wall Street Journal, the Postal Service’s ongoing reorganization plan contemplates “delivering more packages”—in competition with FedEx, UPS, and other carriers—“and taking a couple of days longer to deliver mail,” raising average times from three to five days. Few layoffs of unionized postal workers or closures of small-town post offices are in the cards.

Major savings are expected from reforming the Postal Service’s health insurance coverage and retirement plans for retirees. Unlike most other federal governmental agencies, the Postal Service is required to account for those future budgetary liabilities. 

Ben Franklin, the nation’s first Postmaster General, must be turning over in his grave. Although mail volumes were markedly smaller in the late eighteenth century than today, Franklin’s innovations—one of which was to put mail riders on the road at night—reduced the time for letters to be delivered and replies received between Philadelphia and New York to 24 hours.

As I wrote in 2010, it’s now long past time to privatize the US Postal Service. Germany’s Deutsche Post sets the standard. Strongly opposed by German postal workers, who feared job losses, that state-owned monopoly became a private company in 2000, eventually merging with international package carrier DHL.

2009 study published by Canada’s Frontier Centre for Public Policy documents that Deutsche Post’s privatization generated immense benefits: postal rates fell by about 16 percent initially and, because of the substantial cost savings introduced under the watchful eyes of shareholders, the company expanded its operations into other European nations that likewise had scrapped their public sector postal monopolies, thus adding jobs rather than cutting them. The sale of Deutsche Post’s assets to private owners also allowed the German government to reduce its public debt.

Deutsche Post today faces the same decline in mail volumes as the US Postal Service but can weather the email and online payment storm better by leveraging its trucking and package delivery businesses. A first-class German stamp now costs 0.85 euros (about 91 cents); the US Postal Service proposes to raise its stamp price to 78 cents on July 14, so Americans seem to be getting a bargain.

However, that bargain comes at a price associated with the inefficiencies of all state-owned enterprises: administrative bloat, sluggish innovation, an inability (or weak incentives) to control costs, and failure to cater to customers’ demands.

Freeing the US mail from the dead hand of government is a better solution for the 21st century than continuing the never-ending cycle of stamp price increases.

This article was published by The Beacon