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The Western Ruling Elite: Its Development And Its Betrayal – OpEd


The Western Ruling Elite: Its Development And Its Betrayal – OpEd

By Finn Andreen

The Western ruling elite has become oligarchic in nature; its political and economic influence is disproportionate and even harmful to society. It is necessary, therefore, to review its historical evolution and expose its current goals.

Firstly, it must be recognized that it is natural and necessary for society to have an elite. Murray Rothbard wrote about the ideal of “natural aristocrats” who “live in freedom and harmony with their fellows, and rise by exercising their individuality and their highest abilities in the service of their fellows, either in an organization or by producing efficiently for the consumers.”

A free society needs such “natural aristocrats” because they are its main drivers and inspirations. Major entrepreneurial initiatives are generally taken by those who are farsighted and motivated, willing to make more sacrifices and take more risks than the average person. The whole of society indirectly benefits from the initiatives of these people.

The problem, therefore, is not the existence of an elite per se, but the fact that it is no longer composed primarily of “natural aristocrats.” Today it is composed of what Rothbard called “artificial aristocrats”—“those who govern by means of coercion”; that is, with the help of the state. The “Machiavellian” thinkers were the first to describe this oligarchic elite in a systematic way; they referred to the “organized and ruling minority,” as opposed to the disorganized and controlled majority.

As Gaetano Mosca wrote in his work The Ruling Class, “Political power never has been, and never will be, founded upon the explicit consent of majorities. It always has been, and it always will be, exercised by organized minorities, which have had, and will have, the means, varying as the times vary, to impose their supremacy on the multitudes.”

Indeed, when it becomes oligarchic, the ruling minority uses coercion to influence political decisions and even social values, in its own economic and ideological interests. However, it is not all-powerful and omniscient; its power is never fully acquired, and it does not always exercise its influence very skillfully.

As elsewhere, Western societies have always had “organized minorities,” but these have evolved over time. The political power of this elite has constantly increased, together with the expansion of the state and the crony capitalism that it facilitates. To quote Mosca again, “To the extent that the state absorbs and distributes a greater part of public wealth, leaders of the ruling class have more means of arbitrary influence over their subordinates and more easily escape anyone’s control.”

It must not be assumed that the introduction of “democracy” has reduced the influence of this ruling minority on society, for this political system has inexorably been accompanied by a considerable development of state power. Indeed, even in a “liberal democracy,” the disorganized and generally uninformed majority has virtually no influence over, for instance, the foreign and monetary policies of their governments.

Three Phases of Development

It is possible to identify three phases in the evolution of the ruling minority. During the nineteenth century, this minority was quite close to the ideal natural elite described above. In the absence of strong states and supranational institutions, the ruling minorities (in plural), were thus initially more national than international in outlook, sought economic rather than political power, and were more industrially than financially oriented. In France, the Count de Saint-Simon wrote about the “industrialists,” whom he described in an open letter to King Louis XVIII as “the natural and permanent leaders of the people.”

These minorities naturally always thought of their own interests first (although they were also philanthropists). Nevertheless, the investments of these ruling minorities contributed greatly to the increase in prosperity enjoyed in the West during the “long” nineteenth century.

Their relationship with the rest of society was thus rather symbiotic, despite real tensions related to the social conditions of early industrialization. For example, until World War I, these ruling minorities were committed to deflation and free trade and maintained a certain level of monetary control via the gold standard.

The modern ruling minority then consolidated, with the development of financial capitalism in the late nineteenth century, around the growing and increasingly political power of “international bankers” and their extended families. The historian Carroll Quigley described them, the Rothschilds, the Morgans, the Rockefellers, and the others, thus:

“These banking families remained different from ordinary bankers in distinctive ways: they were cosmopolitan and international; they were close to governments and were particularly concerned with questions of government debts; . . . they were almost equally devoted to secrecy and the secret use of financial influence in political life.

In this second phase, the Western ruling minority emerges, international, politicized, and mainly financially oriented. This description of the core of the Western ruling minority is still the same today, despite major changes in the financial system over the last half century. Around this nucleus, of course, need to be counted political leaders and senior civil servants, as well as publishers and editors of mainstream media and the leaders of many Western multinational companies.

As mentioned, this politicization of the ruling minority is closely linked to the rapid expansion of the role of the state in society from the end of the nineteenth century, which first increased its control over production (state control over key industries), then over money (giving up the gold standard), then over consumption (introduction of price controls). As Albert Jay Nock wrote, “It is easier to seize wealth (from the producers) than to produce it; and as long as the State makes the seizure of wealth a matter of legalized privilege, so long will the squabble for that privilege go on.”

Phase 3: Messianic and Nefarious Globalism

With the Second World War and the rise of Keynesianism, monetary inflation—this artificial scourge upon the majority—became an important tool for the enrichment of the large banking institutions. With the financialization of the Western economies in the 1970s, the interests of the ruling minority began to clearly diverge from the interests of the “real” production-based economy in which the majority participates. The Western oligarchic elite then entered its third phase.

In recent decades, this Western ruling minority has become much more ambitious and aggressive than it once was. It is now fully imbued with an ideological mission, even a messianic one, to change the world. Return on investment and control of resources are no longer the only or even the most important objectives; the current ruling minority has a technocratic desire to shape societies, to control and direct their evolution. Indeed, its purpose today can be summed up in one word: control. It’s about controlling everything: people, finance, food, energy, health, and even nature.

This means weakening the nation-states by accelerating the transfer of national sovereignty to supranational authorities. In order to convince the majority that political globalism is the only hope for mankind, crises have been fabricated, and presented as insoluble at the level of the sovereign state. The three main crises created for this purpose are the climate “crisis,” the pandemic “crisis,” and the immigration “crisis.” The latter also serves to dilute ethnically homogeneous nations, and thus to diminish natural social and cultural resistance to political globalism.

The United Nations and the governmental institutions and nongovernmental organizations that orbit around it all play a key role. To name of few examples, the World Health Organization must be given the power to introduce a digital health tool that will allow the control of populations under pretexts of public health concerns. The European Union must impose obligations and restrictions on the behavior of European individuals and companies (see the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive, the Digital Services Act, and the Green Deal). The introduction of digital currencies by central banks will allow the control of all individual economic transactions. The digital wallet will allow the introduction of a system of social credits, Chinese style.

All these initiatives are coordinated by the World Economic Forum and are progressive steps toward the goal of establishing a world government under the control of the Western ruling financial minority.

Opposing an Enemy of the People

These nefarious plans of the Western ruling minority obviously represent a significant threat to individual freedom on a global scale. Unfortunately, they have already been partially implemented. It is nothing less than a betrayal by the Western ruling minority of its own societies. The Western ruling minority has become over time an enemy of the people, which the majorities have no choice but to oppose.

It is mandatory to return to the situation that prevailed during part of the nineteenth century, when the Western ruling minority was mostly an economic elite. That is, the ruling minority should be composed essentially of Rothbard’s “natural aristocrats.”

When freedom is at such risk as it is today, these words of Ludwig von Mises come to mind: “Everyone carries a part of society on his shoulders; no one is relieved of his share of responsibility by others. . . . Whether he chooses or not, every man is drawn into the great historical struggle, the decisive battle into which our epoch has plunged us.”


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Prabowo Owes His Landslide Victory To Jokowi’s Endorsement – Analysis


Prabowo Owes His Landslide Victory To Jokowi’s Endorsement – Analysis

By Alexander Arifianto

After nearly four years of preparation and four long months of intense campaigning, the Indonesian presidential election finally took place on 14 February 2024. It resulted in a landslide victory for President Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo’s favoured candidate, Prabowo Subianto, Indonesia’s defence minister and a former army general who served under the country’s late dictator, Suharto. 

As of the evening of 16 February, Indikator Politik, a reputable polling firm, predicted that Prabowo had won 58 per cent of votes. His two opponents — Anies Baswedan and Ganjar Pranowo — managed to win only 25.3 per cent and 16.6 per cent of the votes respectively. This landslide victory means that Prabowo has exceeded the 50 per cent threshold required to win the election in one round, avoiding a possible runoff with the second-placed candidate.

Meanwhile, in the national legislative elections, Indikator predicts that the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) will remain the largest party in the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR) with 16.7 per cent of the vote, about 2.6 points below its 2019 share. The Golkar Party, Suharto’s former political vehicle, will be the second largest party in the DPR, with 14.8 per cent of the vote, while Prabowo’s party Gerindra will be the third largest party, with 13.7 per cent of the vote. 

The national legislative election vote has favoured those political parties that are currently represented in the DPR. Eight out of nine parties represented in the DPR are predicted to win representation in the new parliament. Only the United Development Party (PPP) — a small Islamist party — seems to have lost its DPR seats, after it failed to pass the minimum 4 per cent threshold required to be assigned parliamentary seats. 

Meanwhile, none of the nine parties not currently represented in the DPR, including the Indonesian Solidarity Party (PSI) — which declared itself as ‘Jokowi’s party’ — are currently predicted to pass the parliamentary threshold and be represented in the new parliament. PSI had selected Kaesang Pangarep, Jokowi’s second son, as its new party chair in September 2023.

Prabowo and Gibran’s pair victory has long been predicted by reputable polling firms. According to Indikator Politik’s final election survey, released on 9 February 2024, Prabowo was leading the presidential race at 51.8 per cent, followed by Anies at 24.1 per cent and Ganjar at 19.6 per cent. The Indonesian Survey Institute’s poll survey released on 10 February 2024 revealed that 51.9 per cent of respondents planned to back Prabowo, followed by Anies at 23.3 per cent and Ganjar at 20.3 per cent. 

During the election campaign, both Anies and Ganjar attacked Prabowo by questioning his human rights record over allegations of his involvement in kidnappings of anti-Suharto activists committed when he was still an army general. They doubted Prabowo’s fitness to serve as president given his frequent emotional outbursts and accused him of irregularities in several military procurement projects undertaken while he served as defence minister. 

But Prabowo managed to overcome these accusations, thanks to outgoing president Jokowi’s de facto endorsement of his candidacy. Jokowi remains a very popular figure among Indonesians — nearly 80 per cent are either very satisfied or satisfied with his performance as Indonesian president. Jokowi’s endorsement of Prabowo and the appointment of his son Gibran as Prabowo’s running mate are widely considered to be the leading factors that swung most voters to Prabowo’s side.

Many domestic and international observers believe that Indonesian democracy is deteriorating, due to the perceived interference of the outgoing administration towards watchdog institutions like the Constitutional Court and the National Elections Commission (KPU). The passage of new legislation that restricts civil rights and freedom of expression for ordinary Indonesians is also a big cause of concern. 

But these concerns are not reflected among the majority of Indonesian voters. Nearly 71 per cent of respondents in last February’s Indikator survey believe that Indonesian democracy is either in good or very good condition. Only 5.9 per cent of respondents believe that it is in a poor or very poor condition.

Prabowo’s election as Indonesia’s next president is an affirmation of Jokowi’s popularity among ordinary Indonesians after his decade-long focus on economic and infrastructure development. Jokowi has spent his final year in office trying to ensure a landslide victory for his hand-picked successor. 

Now that Prabowo’s victory is secured, only time will tell whether Jokowi’s actions will secure his political and economic legacy, or whether it will come at the cost of weakening the foundations of the world’s third largest democracy.

  • About the author: Alexander R Arifianto is a Senior Fellow with the Indonesia Programme at the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
  • Source: This article was published by East Asia Forum

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South Caucasus News

Philippines Launches Patrols Around Disputed Shoal To Protect Fishing Grounds, Food Security


Philippines Launches Patrols Around Disputed Shoal To Protect Fishing Grounds, Food Security

By Camille Elemia

The Philippines this month launched coast guard patrols around Scarborough Shoal to safeguard its exclusive economic zone and challenge China, which for 12 years has dominated those waters vital to the Filipino fishing industry, the national security adviser said Friday.

Eduardo Año said the regular patrols, which began in early February, were in line with President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s goal of achieving food security and making it safe for local fishermen to access prime fishing grounds. 

The triangle-shaped shoal became the focus of a landmark international court case over disputed waters in the South China Sea after Beijing took control of Scarborough Shoal in 2012. 

“The Philippine government has taken decisive action to protect the rights and safety of Filipino fishermen in the waters of Bajo De Masinloc,” Año said in a statement, using the local name for the shoal.

“The national government has directed the Philippine Coast Guard (PCG) and Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources (BFAR) to deploy their vessels for rotational deployment in BDM starting this month,” the security adviser said.

Scarborough Shoal, a resource-rich rock claimed by the Philippines, China and Taiwan, lies about 120 nautical miles west of Zambales, a coastal province in the main Philippine island of Luzon.

It has served as a traditional fishing ground and a natural shelter for Filipino fishermen against harsh weather at sea, and is considered a vital link to food security for many coastal communities in the Philippines.

“These efforts aim to ensure the safety and security of our Filipino fishermen in their traditional fishing grounds. Further, both PCG and BFAR were directed to distribute food packs, groceries and even fuel to support the fishermen in sustaining their activities,” Año said.

The announcement came amid China’s intensified aggressiveness in the waters in and around the shoal, which has effectively remained under Beijing’s control since a tense standoff with Manila in 2012. China has kept a permanent presence there with two coast guard ships guarding the mouth of the shoal.

Patrols launched

From Feb. 1 to 9, the BRP Teresa Magbanua, a Philippine Coast Guard ship, patrolled around the shoal but was harassed and blocked by China Coast Guard and maritime militia ships, according to PCG spokesman Jay Tarriela.

On Feb. 11, Tarriela said four Chinese ships shadowed the Philippine ship on more than 40 occasions. The official added that the Chinese ships performed dangerous maneuvers, even crossing the bow of the Philippine ship twice.

Gan Yu, a China Coast Guard spokesman, responded by accusing the Philippine ship of “intruding” into Chinese waters.

“When the warnings issued by the Chinese Coast Guard were ineffective, the Chinese Coast Guard adopted route control and forced evacuation measures against the Philippine ship in accordance with the law and the on-site handling was professional and standardized,” Gan said.

Año responded, saying “there is no truth” to the Chinese claim.

In December 2023, Chinese ships fired water cannon against three BFAR ships, damaging equipment on the Philippine ships.

Prior to that, China installed a 300-meter floating barrier at the southeast part of the shoal to block Philippine ships.

The National Security Council, Año said, “reaffirms the Philippines’ sovereign rights and jurisdiction over Bajo de Masinloc and its surrounding waters,” saying these are recognized under international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

In 2016, an international tribunal in The Hague ruled in favor of Manila, which had filed an arbitration case, and against Beijing’s sweeping maritime claims in the South China Sea.

In the landmark ruling, the Permanent Court of Arbitration said the shoal was a traditional fishing ground for many fishermen of different nationalities, including Filipino and Chinese, and that Chinese actions there were illegal.


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Erdogan In Egypt: Strategic Implications For Turkey And Egypt – OpEd


Erdogan In Egypt: Strategic Implications For Turkey And Egypt – OpEd

By Dr. Mohamed ELDoh

Turkey President Recep Tayyip Erdogan touched down in Cairo on February 14 as part of a major state visit intended to address movement toward normalization of relations between Egypt and Turkey, as well as the expansion of bilateral relations on multiple fronts. Erdogan’s visit to Egypt is significant for several reasons, including the fact that it is his first in almost a decade. It also coincides with several regional and global developments that call for the two nations to coordinate their positions given their relative regional and geopolitical weight. Finally, there are numerous strategic interests that bind the two nations together at all strategic levels, both geopolitically and economically.

Gradual Thawing in Egypt-Turkey Relations

A nascent trend toward rapprochement has been evident over the past three years, and the tangible outcomes have been demonstrated on multiple occasions, such as when both nations announced on July 4, 2023, that they would be elevating their diplomatic relations to ambassadorial status. Additionally, direct talks between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi took place on September 10, 2023, on the sidelines of the G20 summit in New Delhi, and ultimately resulted in the Turkish President’s current visit to Cairo.

According to a pattern of foreign policy that transcends differences in dealing with humanitarian crises and disasters, disaster diplomacy is believed to have given Egyptian-Turkish relations a boost in recent months. This was exemplified by President El-Sisi’s call to President Erdogan following the earthquake on February 9, 2023, in which he expressed solidarity with the Turkish government and people. Subsequently, in the wake of the earthquake, Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry visited the Turkish city of Mersin in February 2023 to show his support and sympathy. In March 2023, Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu made a follow-up trip to Cairo.

It has taken time for Egypt and Turkey to mend their damaged relations. In this, Turkish messaging has been key. Notable is a March 2021 move by late Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu, who declared that talks were still open between the two nations despite prior political disagreements. A few months later, a plan to create a legislative “friendship” group was accepted by the Turkish Parliament. After that, to address and discuss these issues, the two parties convened what the media called “exploratory discussion sessions.” These meetings were held twice in 2021, the first in May and the second in September. The subject of subsequent talks has been regional developments as well as associated shared interests and strategies for advancing them.

Given that both sides’ path to reconciliation since 2021 has been marked by relatively “slow” progress, the effectiveness of the ongoing rapprochement between Egypt and Turkey will be put to the test. Yet every interaction that occurred between the two sides during this time clearly expresses a determination to successfully restore full diplomatic relations. In light of the significant influence both countries have on the region, direct discussions between them over the past few years have focused on the developing a consensus to suit the objectives of both nations. This seems to be important for both sides, particularly considering the recent fast-paced developments in the Middle East and Africa related to hegemony struggles and competition between regional and global powers, which have forced Egypt and Turkey to revaluate their strategy and come to an understanding.

Gaza Looms Large in Cairo Visit 

Considering the progress made in restoring relations and facilitating direct dialogue, Erdogan’s visit to Cairo presents a unique opportunity to discuss shared interests with Egypt’s President El-Sisi. The discussions covered important topics, including but not limited to natural gas development in the Eastern Mediterranean, enhancing bilateral relations in various areas, and addressing the situations in Gaza, Libya, Sudan, and wider Africa.

The Palestinian file and the current situation in Gaza were the focus of discussions between the Egyptian and Turkish presidents. This is due to the prolonged Israeli military campaign, which has now entered its fifth month, and the worsening humanitarian crisis. There is also anticipation of an Israeli offensive on Rafah at any moment. In addition, the situation in Gaza is contributing to tensions across the region, particularly due to the actions of Iran-backed proxy groups such as the Houthis in Yemen. These groups are having a detrimental effect on the security of commercial vessels passing through the Red Sea, which in turn is impacting traffic in Egypt’s Suez Canal. As a result, Egypt’s foreign currency revenue from the canal has experienced a significant decline. Restoring regional stability and achieving a peaceful resolution between Palestine and Israel are key priorities for both leaders.

Similarly, the conversations between President El-Sisi and President Erdogan offered a chance to establish shared understandings regarding the ongoing conflict in Libya, which has persisted for nearly ten years, holding out the possibility of a productive resolution to the enduring challenges there, such as the successful completion of elections and the peaceful demobilization of militias, paving the way for potential economic advantages for Egyptian and Turkish companies in subsequent reconstruction projects.

The Egyptian-Turkish dialogue also offers a chance for both parties to explore a more impactful strategy for addressing ongoing conflicts in Africa, particularly in Sudan, where a civil war has persisted for nearly a year. It is important to highlight that Turkey has significant interests in establishing a naval base in Sudan near the Red Sea. This move was seen as potentially conflicting with Egypt’s national security concerns. In parallel, Turkey has been expanding its influence in Somalia. However, the Ethiopian threat posed by the establishment of a naval base and the leasing of the port of Berbera through the so-called separatist “Republic of Somaliland” has been met with opposition from both Egypt and Turkey. Considering the situation, the alignment of Egyptian and Turkish strategic postures could enhance the effectiveness of addressing the Ethiopian threat, especially since Somalia hosts the largest Turkish foreign military base.

Collaboration in the energy sector and a shared presence in the Eastern Mediterranean region have opened significant opportunities for enhancing Egyptian-Turkish relations. Considering Turkey’s heavy reliance on energy imports, there is potential for strategic collaboration with Egypt through the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum. This could serve as a valuable platform to maximize benefits and alleviate political tensions among Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus. Given the circumstances, it appears that Ankara aimed to establish closer ties with Egypt in order to participate in regional collaborations involving multiple partnerships. This would potentially disrupt the political opposition to Turkey within the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Organization. Thus, a potential reconciliation between Turkey and Egypt presents a valuable chance for the nations in the Eastern Mediterranean to engage in collective negotiations, marking a crucial milestone in resolving their disputes, namely between Turkey, Greece and Cyprus. As Ankara seeks Cairo’s support for joining the Eastern Mediterranean Gas Forum, Turkey also expresses its desire to sign a bilateral treaty to demarcate the maritime borders with Egypt.

In terms of the economy and industry, there are numerous shared interests that can enhance strategic cooperation between Egypt and Turkey. It’s worth noting that Egypt holds a significant position as Turkey’s primary trade partner in Africa. The trade between Turkey and Egypt has seen significant growth, with volume reaching almost $10 billion per year. Both countries’ leaders have expressed strong intentions to further increase bilateral trade in the coming years, aiming to reach $15–20 billion dollars. The potential for Egyptian-Turkish relations to flourish lies in fostering economic cooperation and embracing a constructive approach. In the same vein, the defense and military sectors play a significant role in the cooperation between Turkey and Egypt. This is evident through their mutual arms deals and joint military production projects. It is apparent that Turkey’s industrial military base is aiming for a strategic cooperation with Egypt. Recently, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan announced that Turkey would be supplying combat drones to Egypt, which further demonstrates the growing closeness between the two nations.

There is no denying that President Erdogan’s visit to Egypt marks a diplomatic reset and a major milestone in bilateral relations with Egypt. It also serves as an official announcement of the progress made in the efforts to improve relations that started in 2021. President El-Sisi has emphasized that a fresh chapter in Egyptian-Turkish relations has begun, with plans for President El-Sisi to visit Turkey in April. Nevertheless, it remains to be seen how this visit will impact the alignment of interests between Egypt and Turkey, as well as the potential implications for regional instabilities.

The views expressed in this article belong to the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of Geopoliticalmonitor.com.


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President Ilham Aliyev’s judo passion boosts Azerbaijan’s global prestige in sport – Euronews (VIDEO) – Trend News Agency


President Ilham Aliyev’s judo passion boosts Azerbaijan’s global prestige in sport – Euronews (VIDEO)  Trend News Agency

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Ilham Aliyev met with Senior Vice President of the Rockefeller Foundation – EIN News


Ilham Aliyev met with Senior Vice President of the Rockefeller Foundation  EIN News

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Georgian FM, US Assistant Secretary of State discuss “robust strategic partnership”


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PM Nikol Pashinyan meets with visiting IPU Secretary-General



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Trump calls Biden ‘idiot’ for bombing Yemen


Former Us President Donald Trump called his successor Joe Biden an “idiot” for bombing the Houthis in Yemen because every bomb he throws costs “a million dollars” and noted the actions are also “killing a lot of people”, Azernews reports.

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Prospects of energy cooperation between Azerbaijan & the United States are to be discussed


Minister of Energy Parviz Shahbazov visited the United States of America, Azernews reports.