Day: October 16, 2023

By Rajni Gamage

Sri Lanka’s President Ranil Wickremesinghe attended the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in the United States (US) in September 2023, where he emphasised the urgency of mobilising climate finance and international solidarity for smaller, climate-vulnerable and debt-inflicted countries such as Sri Lanka.

Wickremesinghe called on the developed countries to aid and share responsibility in restructuring the international financial system to address climate change and ensure sustainable development. Sri Lanka is already experiencing extreme climate events, such as the recent drought and its impact on the nation’s already-weakened food security. He also stressed the importance of international rules-based cooperation and multilateral platforms, ranging from issues of international trade to ocean governance.

In September 2023, Sri Lanka assumed a two-year role as Chair of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), taking over from Bangladesh. The IORA Council of Ministers meeting was held in Colombo on 11 October 2023. The foreign ministers of India, Bangladesh, Mauritius, Iran, Malaysia and South Africa are confirmed to attend, alongside senior-level participation from 16 member countries and 11 dialogue partners (including China and the US). The foreign ministers will deliberate on the IORA’s key areas of cooperation – trade and investment, maritime safety and security, fisheries management, disaster risk management, and the blue economy.

Importantly, the Sri Lankan president’s remarks in the UNGA acknowledged that the Indo-Pacific concept has gained traction, primarily due to mounting challenges from China. This, in turn, has driven a re-evaluation of regional dynamics and cooperation by the IORA members. For example, he stated that the G7’s attempt to involve the European powers and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in the Indo-Pacific was met with opposition, as it was seen to violate the IORA’s rules-based order. He also emphasised the need for the IORA to accommodate the Indo-Pacific concept, recognising the interconnectedness of the Indian and Pacific Oceans and enabling cooperation among small island states in both regions.

Foreign Relations During Crisis Recovery

Sri Lanka’s foreign relations are influenced significantly by attempts to recover from the national economic crisis in 2022. The country’s inflation has fallen to a single digit (4.6 per cent) after two years, one of the world’s highest a year ago. In March 2023, Sri Lanka secured a US$2.9 billion (S$3.9 billion) International Monetary Fund (IMF) Extended Fund Facility Arrangement. However, its economic situation remains precarious, with a foreign reserve of only US$3.6 billion (S$4.9 billion) reported in August this year and with foreign debt restructuring still in progress.

To this end, the government has been working with bilateral creditors and institutional investors (who account for a significant portion of Sri Lanka’s foreign debt in the form of international sovereign bonds/investment security bonds). Despite working with all key bilateral creditors, Sri Lanka’s failure to secure a concrete debt relief framework from China (its largest bilateral lender) is said to be among the reasons for a delayed second payment of US$330 million (S$450 million), in line with the IMF bailout package. In addition, the IMF’s review stated that despite economic reforms implemented by the government, revenue targets have fallen short of initial projections by around 15 per cent.

Leaning Towards its Largest Neighbour

Sri Lanka has had to manage its key geopolitical relations against this economic backdrop. In September 2023, news of an impending Chinese research ship docking in Sri Lanka raised concerns among Sri Lanka’s Indian and US counterparts. In previous years too, India voiced security concerns over Chinese ships and submarines docking at Sri Lanka’s Colombo and Hambantota ports. In response, Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister Ali Sabry stated that Sri Lanka had “not given permission to the Chinese vessel Shi Yan 6, as Indian security concerns were important to the island nation”.

Sri Lanka’s efforts to appease India were also evident in the foreign minister supporting India in the recent India-Canada controversy. He linked the unfolding bilateral episode to Sri Lanka’s own experience with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, stating that “some of the terrorists have found safe haven in Canada” and that the Canadian government has continued to perpetuate the narrative that a genocide had been committed during Sri Lanka’s civil war.

Maintaining Non-alignment

The Sri Lankan government is also keen to not antagonise China. While addressing an audience on ‘Ocean Nations: The 3rd Annual Indo-Pacific Islands Dialogue’ in New York in September 2023, the Sri Lankan president dismissed concerns that it was a Chinese “spy ship” and stressed the routine nature of this visit by a “research vessel”. He also highlighted the reluctance of island nations in the Indian Ocean and South Pacific, such as Sri Lanka, to get caught in major power disputes as they had their own interests and sovereignty to protect.

In the face of emerging global power re-configurations, the Sri Lankan government and political leadership recognises the growing challenges to ‘nonaligned’ countries in the Global South. In a world with expanding security alliances and increasingly disparate North-South inequalities, Wickremesinghe has emphasised the importance of recognising the interconnected nature of these emerging global and regional threats and the importance of building inclusive futures.

About the author: Dr Rajni Gamage is a Postdoctoral Fellow at the Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS), an autonomous research institute at the National University of Singapore (NUS). She can be contacted at r.gamage@nus.edu.sg. The author bears full responsibility for the facts cited and opinions expressed in this paper.

Source: This article was published by Institute of South Asian Studies (ISAS)

By Daungyewa Utarasint

Religious leaders (including Imams) play an essential spiritual role in the Malay Muslim communities in Thailand’s three southernmost provinces. However, when addressing marital disputes, many of them often overlook the struggles of women, and frequently suggest that women should remain loyal to their husbands as a matter of honour.

In 2022, during a visit to the Women’s Majlis at the Islamic Council in Yala province, a staff member shared several concerning cases with the author. In one instance, a woman arrived to file a complaint. Her face was covered in blood, and she was crying and screaming angrily that her husband had bludgeoned her with a hard object. Rather than reporting to the police, the Imam sought to mediate between the husband and wife, urging them to forgive each other. This recollection hits me intensely; as someone who merely researches on the Thai insurgency, I have come to fathom the profound importance of bringing this type of violence to public attention.

This article does not wish to repeat what most articles have covered: how the conflict and violence between the Thai security forces and the separatist movements in the southernmost provinces erupted, and the progress of the peace process. The goal, instead, is to bring attention to a different type of violence, namely domestic abuse and the ways Islamic institutions deal with it. Different forms of abuse against Muslim women in the southernmost provinces include emotional and psychological pressure, physical violence, early marriages, forced sex, and (marital) rape. According to Oxfam’s project on Violence-against-Women (VAW) in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand, “domestic violence is far more severe, widespread, and complex but remains underreported and underrated.”[1] The project aims to reduce violence against women through collaboration between the Women Networks (WNs), local civil society, the Thai government and Provincial Islamic Councils in Yala, Pattani, and Narathiwat. 

In 2019, VAW reported 240 cases of violence against women in Narathiwat province alone. The common causes of violence are illegal drugs and gambling (48%), followed by polygyny (33%), and other reasons (19%). In 2020, the Narathiwat and Yala Provincial Islamic Counselling offices reported 3,030 such cases.[2] The high figures may be alarming, but on a positive note, it may show that victims are now more willing to report incidences of abuse to the Provincial Islamic Council. Whether the rise in reporting is due to an upsurge in incidents, or a greater willingness of victims to come forward, is unclear. This complexity arises from the dual legal system, which combines Thai and Islamic laws.[3]

ONGOING VIOLENCE IN THAILAND’S DEEP SOUTH

Conflict and violence have plagued the southernmost region of Thailand for almost two decades, rooted in historical tensions between the Thai state and the Malay-Muslim population. Since January 2004, clashes between the Thai security forces and insurgent groups such as the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN), a Malay–Muslim separatist organization, have resulted in over 7,000 lives lost and more than 10,000 injured. Conflict management and peace negotiations between Thai authorities and rebel peace negotiators are ongoing, but the BRN continues pursuing independence violently. Concurrently, there are reports of human rights abuses in the region, with the 2005 Emergency Decree enabling Thai security forces to conduct cordon-and-search operations without a warrant, monitor people by taking photos without permission, and detain suspects with reports of torture and ill-treatment.

The case of Abdullah Esomuso, a 34-year-old suspected leader of an insurgent cell, demonstrate the ongoing tension in the area. On 21 July 2019, Abdullah was found unconscious in an interrogation centre at Fort Inkayuthaboriharn, an army camp in Pattani province. He died at a hospital two months later. Relatives claim Abdullah was in great health before the military interrogation. In May 2022, two years after his death, the Thai court ruled that his death resulted from natural causes, specifically oxygen deprivation to the brain and heart failure during detention.[4] No military interrogators were convicted.

This tragedy is just one of many that have occurred in Thailand’s three southernmost provinces over the past 19 years. Although overall violence and conflict have decreased since 2013, when peace talks began, data from the Deep South Watch database indicates a 44% increase in violent incidents in 2021 compared to the previous year.[5] This suggests that despite efforts at peace, violence remains prevalent in the region.

THE DISCOURSE ON ISLAMIC VIRTUE, DOMESTIC VIOLENCE, AND WOMEN

As there are different types and levels of violence, we must be mindful of which of these we use to frame our analysis. Confrontation between the insurgency and the Thai state authorities is well-known in the southernmost provinces of Thailand. Because of its immense scale covering the whole region, including spillover violence affecting civilians, I describe this as macro-level violence. Micro-level violence, meanwhile, illustrates domestic violence that can happen in any family, household or village. Micro- and macro-levels of violence might be classed differently, but they are nevertheless strongly linked. To decipher the structure of violence in the southernmost provinces of Thailand, both have to be examined seriously.[6]

In those provinces, significant gaps persist in the implementation of the specialized protective measures outlined in the Victims of Domestic Violence Protection Act B.E. 2550 (2007). These shortcomings become even more evident when intertwined with the Muslim Family Law and the Law of Inheritance Code of 1941. Malay-Muslim women’s local culture, deeply rooted in patriarchy, is strongly shaped by traditional interpretations of Islamic teachings.[7] Female victims of violence in the Deep South endure in silence. Their suffering is exacerbated by cultural resistance, unequal access to justice, and significant under-reporting of domestic violence stemming from inadequate governmental responses and insufficient engagement from religious institutions.[8]

There have been many misconceptions pertaining to women’s rights in Islam. According to the World Health Organization website, statistics collected between 2000-2018 reveal the prevalence of domestic violence against women aged 15-49 by intimate partners. Bangladesh, a Muslim-majority country, ranked fourth globally at 50%, while Afghanistan took the sixth spot at 46% (WHO, Violence Against Women Prevalence Estimates, 2018, 2021). Data from some Middle Eastern countries is absent, possibly due to the reluctance of victims to come forward. This raises the question: Why does violence against women persist in Muslim societies when Islam fundamentally promotes peace and justice?

Islamic teachings and principles underscore equal partnership between men and women. The Quran does not specify particular characteristics of any gender or suggest how either gender should behave towards the other. For example, the Quran does not teach that women are naturally inferior to men.[9] In fact, there are mosques for women in China, Lebanon, and Scandinavian countries like Denmark, where Sherin Khankan became the first Denmark’s first female Imam, who lead the prayers.[10] A section that is heavily debated between male proponents and feminists would be Surah An-Nisa, which makes references to women’s role vis-a-vis men. Experts have diverse views on the chapter, especially verse 34:

Men are the caretakers of women, as Allah elevated men above others, and men financially contribute from their wealth. Good women are loyal and safekeep everything behind their husbands according to what Allah has preserved. As for those women, whose disobedience intimidates you, reprimand them, leave them alone in the bed, and whip them. When they become obedient, then punish them no longer. Truly Allah is the Highest, the Greatest of all.[11]

Meanwhile, the text from the same surah on the website www.quran.com which carries translations of the Qur’an by Dr. Mustafa Khattab, in English and many other languages is as follows:

Men are the caretakers of women, as men have been provisioned by Allah over women and tasked with supporting them financially. And righteous women are devoutly obedient and, when alone, protective of what Allah has entrusted them with. And if you sense ill-conduct from your women, advise them first, if they persist, do not share their beds, but if they still persist, then discipline them gently. But if they change their ways, do not be unjust to them. Surely Allah is Most High, All-Great.[12]

The Thai translation based on Abu Israfil Al-Fathoni leans towards men with an oppressive tone to women, while the English version by Dr. Khattab is more neutral. Dr. Khattab’s translation mentions no whipping. Many feminists view that most men who translate the teaching in this verse, do so to justify domestic violence for themselves without breaking their religious rules.[13] Thus, it leads to the discussion on what being a true Muslim means. The debate continues with many trying to secure power, and to claim that their interpretation is the correct one for true Muslims.

CAN ISLAMIC VIRTUES EMPOWER WOMEN AND AID THAILAND’S PEACE PROCESS?

The prolonged political conflict in Thailand’s southernmost regions is conflated with other challenges such as economic underdevelopment, extreme poverty, high illiteracy rates, and widespread illicit drug use. At the micro-level, patriarchy strongly influences the power dynamics between Malay Muslim men and women, further exacerbated by conventional Islamic interpretations by religious leaders. It is this that has led to the proliferation of domestic violence.[14]

Besides macro-level violence, some Malay Muslims’ orientation towards Islamic virtues—whether ethics (akhlaq), conformity to a standard of righteousness, or moral excellence—play a crucial part in sustaining domestic violence in the region. For example, if there is an incidence of rape in a village, the community might arrange a force-marriage between the rapist and the victim instead of reporting the incident to the police. Another example is a child marriage case in 2018 involving a 41-year-old man from Malaysia and an 11-year-old girl from Narathiwat.[15] Under Thai civil law, a woman cannot marry without her parents’ permission if she is under 20. However, some male religious leaders approve of such marriages in the southernmost region of Thailand. They cite a hadith that states that Prophet Muhammad (saw) married Aisha, who was only 9 years old, even though there are other narrations that dispute Aisha’s age upon her marriage to the prophet.

Patriarchy is deeply ingrained in the minds of many Malay Muslim women, and they consider themselves inferior to men. As a result, they accept male social dominance, tolerate and rationalize domestic violence, and often remain silent despite being abused. Sociologist Randall Collins suggests that the emotional dynamics of a confrontation play a crucial role in the outcome. He states, “Emotional dominance of the confrontation is the main prerequisite for successful violence; one must dominate emotionally to dominate physically”.[16] This insight highlights the psychological barriers that prevent women from resisting or escaping abusive situations, as the emotional dominance exerted by their abusers keeps them subjugated which is relevant in Oxfam’s cases in the three southernmost provinces.

My fieldwork findings in the Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat provinces confirm that domestic violence happens to women and even young boys. At the very least, Muslim women have an outlet to report to the Provincial Islamic Council in Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat Provinces. One of my acquaintances shared a story of a 15-year-old boy that he met while filming a documentary in the region. The teenage boy was raped continuously by his uncle. Coping with trauma, the boy was helpless and vulnerable. His uncle threatened to kill him if he disclosed his ordeal to anyone. The boy could neither report to the police because he was afraid of his uncle nor report to the local Islamic Committee because sexual acts between males are considered a major sin in Islam. Cases of boys whose family members are raped can easily slip through the cracks; even if their mother or other relatives know about them, they are unwilling to file a complaint. They are concerned with the humiliating social stigma these acts may bring to their families. In other words, victims of domestic violence in the Deep South suffer silently under cultural resistance, unequal access to justice, and explicit discrimination.

The prevalence of domestic violence in the southernmost region has largely been ignored by both the Thai security forces and the rebel peace negotiators. Ngamsuk Ratanasatian, a Thai human rights advocate and a lecturer at Mahidol University’s Institute of Human Rights and Peace Studies (IHRP) in Bangkok, observed that women in the region engage in peace-building efforts. However, the peace talk between the Thai state and the insurgency had not brought socio-political problems like domestic violence to the table.[17]

An effective conflict resolution involves more than just peace talks between the insurgents and Thai state securities; it necessitates transforming the domestic violence issue into a robust conflict management plan, recognizing it as being integral to the structural conditions and regional dynamics of violence. This involves considering both macro-level and micro-level violence concurrently in peace process discussions. However, the question remains: How can both parties contribute to alleviating domestic violence, instead of solely concentrating on ending combats?

Don Pathan, a senior programme officer for Regional Security Cooperation at The Asia Foundation, Thailand, noted that Juwae (militant fighters) are devout Muslims, and the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) is likely to treat women respectfully.[18] Given the extensive reach of the Juwae networks at the grassroots and village level, insurgent groups can potentially participate in preventing violence against women. Juwae could serve as first responders for women seeking assistance.

Eliminating the deeply entrenched patriarchal culture within the Malay-Muslim community presents a formidable challenge for the women of the region, particularly when the Islamic institution has been unsuccessful in its role as mediator. A significant power imbalance exists between the sexes, and having the Juwae as a support system can potentially counteract male or husbandly dominance, thereby helping to reduce domestic violence.

CONCLUSION

Violence in the southernmost region of Thailand is not only about constant battles between Thai security officers and insurgents, but also domestic violence within Malay-Muslim communities. The dominance of the Malay-Muslim patriarchal culture has desensitized violence-against-women to a certain degree. Many religious leaders and village councils tend to look away or are indiscreet when settling marriage disputes, which puts the burden more on the women.

In the case of the southernmost provinces of Thailand, the social significance of what some Malay–Muslim communities believe to be an Islamic virtue, in fact nourishes violence. While clashes between Thai state authorities and insurgents cost lives, domestic violence has a long-lasting effect on people in the community. The first step is to recognize the problem. The most promising way forward will inevitably involve collaboration between Women Networks, the civil society groups, Thai state authorities, religious leaders, and even insurgency groups.

In conclusion, it is imperative for peace negotiators and others to understand that the issue of domestic violence in the three southernmost provinces of Thailand is as severe as the clashes between Thai security forces and insurgents. It is impossible to achieve peace in the conflict-ridden region without systematically addressing the issue of domestic violence within the Muslim communities.

About the author: Daungyewa (Hong) Utarasint is former Visiting Fellow at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. She is Visiting Assistant Professor, Arts and Humanities at NYU Abu Dhabi (NYUAD). Her current research investigates women and voting behaviour amid conflict in the southernmost provinces of Thailand, examining obstacles to women’s political participation, and how religion and cultural norms affect women’s political mobility.

Source: This article was published by ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute

REFERENCES

Bradley, Samantha. 2018. “Domestic and Family Violence in Post-Conflict Communities: International Human Rights Law and the State’s Obligation to Protect Women and Children.” Health and Human Rights Journal, 20(2), 123–136.

International Crisis Group. April 2022. “Sustaining the Momentum in Southern Thailand’s Peace Dialogue.” https://www.crisisgroup.org/asia/south-east-asia/thailand/b172-sustaining-momentum-southern-thailands-peace-dialogue

Marddent, Amporn. 2017. “Women Political Participation in Peacebuilding in Southern Thailand.” Al Abab 6 (2). https://peaceresourcecollaborative.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Amporn-Madden.pdf

ENDNOTES

For endnotes, please refer to the original pdf document.

(EurActiv) — European Council President Charles Michel said on Saturday (14 October) that he had convened a video conference summit of European Union leaders on Tuesday to discuss the Hamas attacks on Israelis and Israel’s response.

Michel said the bloc stood in “full solidarity” with the people of Israel after the “brutal terrorist attacks” of a week ago.

In an invitation letter to EU leaders, Michel said Israel had the right to defend itself in compliance with international law.

He said the siege of the Gaza Strip was raising alarm bells in the international community, prompting him to convene a video conference meeting on Tuesday at 1730 CET (1530 GMT).

“It is of utmost importance that the European Council, in line with the treaties and our values, sets our common position and establishes a clear unified course of action that reflects the complexity of the unfolding situation,” he wrote.

Michel said the EU had to be an advocate of peace and respect for international law and should seek to avoid a regional escalation of the situation.

Michel said the conflict had the potential to feed extremism in EU societies and could prompt migration and movements of a large number of people to neighbouring countries.

EU triples aid to Gaza

The European Commission said on Saturday that it was tripling its current humanitarian assistance for Gaza to €75 million and would work with United Nations agencies to ensure the aid reaches those in need.

“The Commission supports Israel’s right to defend itself against the Hamas terrorists, in full respect of international humanitarian law,” the EU executive said in a statement.

“We are working hard to ensure that innocent civilians in Gaza are provided support in this context.”

The European Union decided earlier this week to maintain aid to Palestinians, backtracking after a commissioner said the European Commission was putting all its development aid for Palestinians, worth 691 million euros, under review.

The UN humanitarian office (OCHA) appealed on Friday for nearly $294 million to help some 1.3 million people in Gaza and the West Bank, nearly half for food aid as supplies run out.

Gaza braces for Israeli ground assault

Israeli troops prepared on Sunday for a ground assault on the Hamas-controlled Gaza, and Iran warned of “far-reaching consequences” if Israel’s bombardment was not stopped.

Israel has vowed to annihilate the militant group Hamas in retaliation for a rampage in which its fighters stormed through Israeli towns eight days ago, shooting men, women and children and seizing hostages in the worst attack on civilians in the country’s history.

Gaza authorities said more than 2,200 people have been killed in Israeli air strikes, a quarter of them children, and nearly 10,000 wounded. Rescue workers searched desperately for survivors of nighttime air raids. One million people had reportedly left their homes.

Risk of spillover

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government told Lebanese militant group Hezbollah not to start a war on a second front, threatening the “destruction of Lebanon” if it did.

Iran’s mission go the United Nations warned late on Saturday that if Israel’s “war crimes and genocide” were not halted immediately, “the situation could spiral out of control” and have far-reaching consequences.

Both Hamas and Hezbollah are backed by Iran.

Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh met with Iran’s foreign minister on Saturday in Qatar, where they discussed the Palestinian group’s attack in Israel “and agreed to continue cooperation” to achieve the group’s goals, Hamas said in a statement.

US President Joe Biden and other world leaders warned against any country broadening the conflict. And international organizations and aid groups urged calm and pressed Israel to allow humanitarian assistance to get through.

In New York, Russia asked the UN Security Council to vote on Monday on a draft resolution on the Israel-Hamas conflict that calls for a humanitarian ceasefire and condemns violence against civilians and all acts of terrorism.

On Saturday, Biden called Netanyahu and, while reiterating “unwavering” support for Israel, discussed international coordination to ensure innocent civilians have access to water, food and medical care.

Biden also spoke with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who stressed the urgent need to allow urgent humanitarian aid corridors in Gaza.

The US Department of Defense said the Eisenhower aircraft carrier strike group would start moving towards the Eastern Mediterranean to join another carrier strike group already there.

Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin said it was “part of our effort to deter hostile actions against Israel or any efforts toward widening this war following Hamas’s attack on Israel.”

Israel’s use of white phosphorus in military operations in Gaza and Lebanon puts civilians at risk of serious and long-term injuries, Human Rights Watch said in releasing a question and answer document on white phosphorus. Human Rights Watch verified videos taken in Lebanon and Gaza on October 10 and 11, 2023, respectively, showing multiple airbursts of artillery-fired white phosphorus over the Gaza City port and two rural locations along the Israel-Lebanon border, and interviewed two people who described an attack in Gaza.

White phosphorus, which can be used either for marking, signaling, and obscuring, or as a weapon to set fires that burn people and objects, has a significant incendiary effect that can severely burn people and set structures, fields, and other civilian objects in the vicinity on fire. The use of white phosphorus in Gaza, one of the most densely populated areas in the world, magnifies the risk to civilians and violates the international humanitarian lawprohibition on putting civilians at unnecessary risk.

“Any time that white phosphorus is used in crowded civilian areas, it poses a high risk of excruciating burns and lifelong suffering,” said Lama Fakih, Middle East and North Africa director at Human Rights Watch. “White phosphorous is unlawfully indiscriminate when airburst in populated urban areas, where it can burn down houses and cause egregious harm to civilians.”

On October 11, Human Rights Watch interviewed by phone two people from the al-Mina area in Gaza City, who described observing strikes consistent with the use of white phosphorus. One was in the street at the time, while the other was in a nearby office building. Both described ongoing airstrikes before seeing explosions in the sky followed by what they described as white lines going earthward. They estimated that the attack took place sometime between 11:30 a.m. and 1 p.m. Both said that the smell was stifling. The person who was in his office said that the smell was so strong that he went toward the window to see what was happening and then filmed the strike.

Human Rights Watch reviewed the video and verified that it was taken in Gaza City’s port and identified that the munitions used in the strike were airburst 155mm white phosphorus artillery projectiles. Other videos posted to social media and verified by Human Rights Watch show the same location. Dense white smoke and a garlic smell are characteristics of white phosphorus.

Human Rights Watch also reviewed two videos from October 10 from two locations near the Israel-Lebanon border. Each shows 155mm white phosphorus artillery projectiles being used, apparently as smokescreens, marking, or signaling.

White phosphorus ignites when exposed to atmospheric oxygen and continues to burn until it is deprived of oxygen or exhausted. Its chemical reaction can create intense heat (about 815°C/1,500°F), light, and smoke.

Upon contact, white phosphorus can burn people, thermally and chemically, down to the bone as it is highly soluble in fat and therefore in human flesh. White phosphorus fragments can exacerbate wounds even after treatment and can enter the bloodstream and cause multiple organ failure. Already dressed wounds can reignite when dressings are removed and the wounds are re-exposed to oxygen. Even relatively minor burns are often fatal. For survivors, extensive scarring tightens muscle tissue and creates physical disabilities. The trauma of the attack, the painful treatment that follows, and appearance-changing scars lead to psychological harm and social exclusion.

The use of white phosphorus in densely populated areas of Gaza violates the requirement under international humanitarian law to take all feasible precautions to avoid civilian injury and loss of life, Human Rights Watch said. This concern is amplified given the technique evidenced in videos of airbursting white phosphorus projectiles. Airbursting of white phosphorus projectiles spreads 116 burning felt wedges impregnated within the substance over an area between 125 and 250 meters in diameter, depending on the altitude of the burst, thereby exposing more civilians and civilian structures to potential harm than a localized ground burst.

Israeli authorities have not commented on whether or not they used white phosphorus during the ongoing fighting.

Israel’s use of white phosphorus comes amid hostilities following Hamas’ deadly attacks on October 7 and subsequent rocket attacks that have killed, as of October 12, more than 1,300 Israelis, including hundreds of civilians, and taking of scores of Israelis as hostages in violation of international humanitarian law. Heavy Israeli bombardment of Gaza in this period has killed, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry, more than 1,400 Palestinians in Gaza, including scores of civilians, and displaced more than 338,000 people. Many communities in southern Israel have also been displaced and more than1,500 Palestinian militants reportedly died in Israel. Israeli authorities have cut electricity, water, fuel and food into Gaza, in violation of the international humanitarian law prohibition against collective punishment, exacerbating the dire humanitarian situation from over 16 years of Israeli closure.

Human Rights Watch has documented the Israeli military’s use of white phosphorus in previous conflicts in Gaza, including in 2009. Israel should ban all use of “airburst” white phosphorus munitions in populated areas without exception. There are readily available and non-lethal alternatives to white phosphorus smoke shells, including some produced by Israeli companies, which the Israeli army has used in the past as an obscurant for its forces. These alternatives have the same effect and dramatically reduce the harm to civilians.

In 2013, in response to a petition to Israel’s High Court of Justice regarding the use of white phosphorus in Gaza, the Israeli military stated that it would no longer use white phosphorus in populated areas except in two narrow situations that it revealed only to the justices. In the court’s ruling, Justice Edna Arbel said that the conditions would “render use of white phosphorous an extreme exception in highly particular circumstances.” Although this ruling did not represent an official change in policy, Justice Arbel called on the Israeli military to conduct a “thorough and comprehensive examination” and adopt a permanent military directive.

Attacks using air-delivered incendiary weapons in civilian areas are prohibited under Protocol III of the Convention on Conventional Weapons (CCW). While the protocol contains weaker restrictions for ground-launched incendiary weapons, all types of incendiary weapons produce horrific injuries. Protocol III applies only to weapons that are “primarily designed” to set fires or cause burns, and thus some countries believe it excludes certain multipurpose munitions with incendiary effects, notably those containing white phosphorus.

Human Rights Watch and many states have long called for closing these loopholes in Protocol III. These attacks should add impetus to the calls from at least two dozen countries for the CCW Meeting of States Parties to set aside time to discuss the adequacy of Protocol III. The next meeting is scheduled for November at the United Nations in Geneva.

Palestine joined Protocol III on January 5, 2015, and Lebanon on April 5, 2017, while Israel has not ratified it.

“To avoid civilian harm, Israel should stop using white phosphorus in populated areas,” Fakih said. “Parties to the conflict should be doing everything they can to spare civilians from further suffering.”

By Marco Carnelos 

While the world was watching the horrific scenes coming from Israel and Gaza, a comment made by President Biden’s National Security Adviser, Jake Sullivan,[1] a few days before the breakout of hostilities, stands out. It conveys, yet again, some of the current U.S. administration’s dystopic views concerning the changing world order.

He said: “The Middle East region is quieter today than it has been in two decades … the amount of time I have to spend on crisis and conflict in the Middle East today, compared to any of my predecessors going back to 9/11, is significantly reduced.”

How quiet the Middle East is, has become evident since Saturday, October 7^th, 2023.

Years of U.S. neglect of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (2014-2020) or its insensitive handling of the Abraham Accords is now seeing a tragic blow-back. A third, bloody and unpredictable, third front could open, even as Washington is attempting to manage the conflict in Ukraine and raising tensions with China.

Regardless of a possible escalation of the conflict, starting with an expansion of the hostilities to Lebanon with Hezbollah, and perhaps beyond, the geopolitical pattern of the region was already changing on its own.

Iran, Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates, and Egypt have joined the BRICS format making clear to the U.S. and Europe that at least the three Arab states are ready to sift through all the possible options in their foreign policy in an openly transnational manner. There are then no more permanent understandings with their traditional Western friends, but shifting interests and, accordingly, different policies inspired or attracted by a more multipolar vision of the world order. The Abraham Accords were only a shortcut for the U.S. and Israel to avoid dealing with an issue that they prefer to be marginalized forever.

It is still too early to say if the Al Aqsa Flood operation has changed the Middle Eastern landscape the same way the Ukraine conflict has done for the triangular relationship between the U.S., EU, and Russia. However, if an Israeli land invasion of Gaza should take place in the following hours or days, and Hezbollah act accordingly in the Northern front, the dynamics will change in unpredictable ways.

One fact is certain: this time Russia, China and India may play in an arena where the U.S. was accustomed to being a soloist.

BRICS-11 already controls 45% of global oil output. If next year Venezuela, Algeria, Nigeria, Kazakhstan, Indonesia should join too, this quota will increase. Most of these same countries will also control majority of the world’s commodities and the manufacturing capability for renewable energies. The geopolitical and geoeconomic implications could be massive.

The Middle East will then continue to be crucial, contrary to the views of some Western think tanks. That is why so many competing commercial, energy and technological corridors are emerging, such as those from the traditional Suez route to India-Middle East-Europe Corridor (IMEC), to the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC).

Europe should recover its traditional mediating role of advocating for ceasefire, dialogue, and negotiated solutions. On Oct 9, the U.S. and top European powers (UK, France, Germany, and Italy) issued a terse 271-word statement[2] concerning the tragic events unfolding in the Middle East. Just 37 words are dedicated to vaguely outlining a peace perspective and a political solution; not a hint to a ceasefire was included. Europe can do more. Its policy in the Middle East cannot be reduced to projecting attacked countries’ national flags on the façade of Governmental buildings.

How will the next events play out?

• Israel could launch a land invasion of Gaza, which will be catastrophic in terms of civilian casualties and humanitarian emergency.
• Hezbollah and other members of the so-called Axis of Resistance can react with coordination. The question is: is it just Lebanon or also Iraq and the Gulf area which are working against US interests?
• The U.S. could side with Israel by hitting the members of the Axis of Resistance.
• A possible escalation will affect Saudi Arabia’s calculus to continue talks with the US and Israel to join the Abraham Accords
• China, Russia, and India could, independently, decide to increase their political role in the region, calculating that siding too much with Israel the U.S. could weaken their potential role as peace brokers in the conflict.

Tectonic shifts are already underway. Global geopolitics has one hot front in Ukraine, a lukewarm one in the simmering U.S.-China relationship. The world doesn’t need a third one, leading to further destabilisation.

About the author: Marco Carnelos is Former Ambassador of Italy to Iraq, Special Envoy for Syria and the Middle East Peace Process.

Source: This article was written for Gateway House: Indian Council on Global Relations.

References

[1] The Atlantic, “How Democracy Can Move Forward, With Jake Sullivan and Will Hurd | The Atlantic Festival 2023″, YouTube Video, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_-qxXlHDDB0

[2] “Joint Statement from Quint Leaders on Israel: 9 October 2023″, News story, GOV.UK, October 9, 2023, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/joint-statement-from-quint-leaders-on-israel-9-october-2023#:~:text=Over%2520the%2520coming%2520days%252C%2520we,and%2520integrated%2520Middle%2520East%2520region

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